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Source: The Greanville Post
China Has Billionaires
The old debate about true socialism is alive again thanks to anti-China smears often spread by Trotskyists, social democrats and fake Western leftists.
EDITED AND HOSTED BY THE GREANVILLE POST
Roderic Day
RedSails.org
Overheard on the web • The most lucid anti-war/anti-imperialist thinkers
Billboard tribute to "capitalist-roader" Deng Xiao ping (Shenzhen, China on a busy Saturday afternoon, Jan. 2010)
Editing: Nia Frome, RedSails.org. Thank you, RedSails.
China Has Billionaires
Deutsch English Ελληνική Italiano Português | The Crew China
Contents
Introduction
USPresidents historically reach their highest approval ratings due to war. George W. Bush reached an all-time-high of 90% in 2001 as the wrathful nation geared up to invade Afghanistan, and his father George H. W. Bush ranks second place with 89% in 1991, right as the US declared the end of its (first) invasion of Iraq and the “liberation of Kuwait.” [2] So when Harvard University’s Ash Center released a 2020 study of Chinese public opinion showing that, as of 2016, “95.5 percent of respondents were either ‘relatively satisfied’ or ‘highly satisfied’ with Beijing,” it was all the more remarkable given the fact that this was a country at peace. [3]
Though it came as a shock to Western audiences, who understand China to be a tyrannical state-capitalist authoritarian regime, observers in the imperial periphery have always seen things rather differently. As far back as 2004, Fidel Castro argued that “China has objectively become the most promising hope and the best example for all Third World countries,” [4] and in August 2014, he reaffirmed this sanguine outlook: “Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary leaders I have met in my life.” [5] In May 2018, Professor Yanis Varoufakis, former Greek Minister of Finance, assuaged an anxious member of the audience at a Cambridge Forum: “I have to tell you that, from my understanding of China, it’s a very interesting social experiment, in the sense that at the local level or the regional level you now have a boisterous democracy, with popular success stories in overthrowing local authorities, local bureaucrats who have been corrupt.” [6] Later that same year, before his 2019 ouster in a US-backed coup, Evo Morales said “I trust China very much. China has always accompanied us in many of our aspirations in the social, cultural, political and economic spheres” [7] and that “China’s support and aid to Bolivia’s economic and social development never attaches any political conditions.” [8] In 2020 the former Liberian Minister for Public Works W. Gyude Moore bluntly wrote “China has built more infrastructure in Africa in two decades than the West has in centuries, China is also our friend,” [9] and in 2021 Iran signed a 25-year cooperation agreement with China. Despite the vehement insistence of Western punditry, world consensus against China’s “tyranny” fails to materialize.
The imperial core is not bereft of insightful testimony either, especially outside of the salacious atrocity propaganda that currently jams the airwaves. A 2021 Politico memo urged policymakers: “To Counter China’s Rise, the U.S. Should Focus on Xi.” [10] The White House was similarly unequivocal in a June 2020 assessment:
Leaked cables from 2009 give a clear sense of why Xi Jinping aggravates the US:
Elsewhere, a 2015 piece for the New York Times titled “Maoists in China, Given New Life, Attack Dissent” expresses outright anxiety:
My favourite article in this genre, though, comes from The Guardian. Perfectly illustrating Marx’s observation that “the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas,” Richard McGregor’s “How the state runs business in China” appears blissfully unaware that his scaremongering portrayal of the trials and tribulations of capitalists in China is actually rather heartwarming:
The horror!
The bourgeois press, articulating the fears of really nobody other than its owners, rattles off one tragedy after another:
At moments, it’s hard to tell whether the driving force behind China’s green policy is a desire for a cleaner environment, or an obsession with social controls. [15]
China’s vow to end extreme poverty in 2020 involves stunning numbers: billions of $ spent, millions moved from rural homes. But don’t miss what it really is: a political campaign to integrate the poor into the natl economy, & train them to thank the Party. [16]
Hong Kong’s opposition has been tamed. Now, Beijing is turning to the city’s wealth gap and lack of affordable housing, which it blames for the social unrest. Up for consideration: Reforming the tax structure and increasing land supply. [17]
A Chinese entrepreneur may drive a Maserati and send his son to Harvard, but he is a political slave. [18]
China will soon open a new stretch of rail across Tibet. … To the party, it appears no expense is too great in its campaign to integrate the vast, isolated region more closely with the interior. [19]
China’s crackdown on Didi is a reminder that Beijing is in charge. … Regulators met with Didi and told them to ensure fairness and transparency when it came to pricing and drivers’ incomes. [20]
Taken together, these accounts tell a pretty compelling and straightforward story: a worker state led by a vanguard party has placed the productive forces developed by capitalism under human control once again, for the benefit of the many rather than the few, and so definitively begun the complex and difficult transition away from capitalism and into communism that we call socialism. Capitalists, sheltered and insular in their dealings with fellow human beings, don’t understand that they are not sympathetic characters, so they shamelessly self-victimize in the press in the hopes of winning sympathy from the masses, in a futile effort to rally the necessary fervor for military intervention. The situation looks grim for the forces of reaction.
“China has objectively become the most promising hope and the best example for all Third World countries...Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary leaders I have met in my life.” —Fidel Castro
“China has objectively become the most promising hope and the best example for all Third World countries...Xi Jinping is one of the strongest and most capable revolutionary leaders I have met in my life.” —Fidel CastroAnd then the Western Left bursts onto the scene with a litany of harsh recriminations, determined to build up China into a villain worthy of war: “China has billionaires.” “China still has inequality.” “China still has wage labour.” “There’s no free speech there.” “Suicide nets.” “Free Tibet.” “Xinjiang is East Turkestan.” “Liberate Hong Kong.” “Neither Washington Nor Beijing.” Their indulgence in atrocity propaganda is unparalleled, and they’ll often outdo original sources and even the most vicious reactionaries in their preening paraphrases of Chinese horror.
In their “David vs. Goliath” worldview, heroism is characterized by evanescense or futility (Rosa Luxemburg, Anarchist Catalonia, Leon Trotsky, Rojava, CHAZ in Seattle, Bernie Sanders, the Communist Party of the Philippines), whereas victory and longevity are in themselves proof that principles were betrayed and sadism is the rule (Joseph Stalin, Kim Il-sung, Deng Xiaoping, Nicolás Maduro, Xi Jinping). Though socialist groups in the West tend to be secular, Christianity remains culturally hegemonic to such a degree that figures are appreciated in proportion to how well they fit a narrative template of martyrdom. [21]
Faced with the intellectually challenging task of defending projects that didn’t always live up to our a priori ideals, with the task of understanding why they didn’t live up to those ideals, many opt for the doctrine of betrayal:
Indeed, this is exactly how the aforementioned spectacular Chinese public approval of the leadership of the Communist Party is explained away: “Brainwashing.” Enthusiasm is proof of credulity, cynicism is proof of enlightenment — a hipster credo as much in politics as it is in art.
For the sake of this analysis at least, let’s reject the doctrine of betrayal. We will accept the successes of the Chinese Revolution as empirically measurable socialist feats worth celebrating. We will study how Eastern socialists — Deng Xiaoping in particular — were real exemplars of the tradition of scientific socialism to which Marx and Engels belonged, contra aspersions cast by Western utopians.
Fantasies of abolishing hierarchy will give way to an interpretation of Marx that understands relations of production in terms of domination rather than mere subordination, and therefore of capital as an “automatic subject” that needs to be tamed, as opposed to a blight that can be eradicated. The transition from Feudalism to Capitalism will be re-examined so as to challenge idealistic notions that a clean break from Capitalism to Socialism is possible, which will in turn clearly illustrate why Socialism with Chinese Characteristics is not at all comparable to Social Democracy, particularly in regards to imperialism. And in lieu of the welfare-state checklist that currently passes for a definition of socialism, we will recover a much more practical and useful definition, one that centers work rather than leisure, and so better captures the spirit of the myriad tasks to be accomplished in the socialist stage: “From each according to their ability, to each according to their work.”
Automatic subject
John Pilger’s 2016 documentary The Coming War on China documents the US “Pivot to Asia,” initiated by Obama in 2011 and carried on by subsequent administrations. It mostly centers on the victims of US military base-building in the Pacific: the Marshall Islands, Okinawa in Japan, and South Korea. He also interviews Chinese targets of this military buildup. His exchange with Eric Li, a Shanghai-born, California-educated venture capitalist and political commentator, is fascinating:
The Coming War on China, from award winning journalist John Pilger, reveals what the news doesn’t – that the world’s greatest military power, the United States, and the world’s second economic power, China, both nuclear-armed, may well be on the road to war. Nuclear war is not only imaginable but planned. The greatest build-up of NATO military forces since the Second World War is under way on the western borders of Russia. On the other side of the world, the rise of China is viewed in Washington as a threat to American dominance.[/su_panel]
John Pilger appears to remain skeptical, as do many who dismiss Li’s insight simply on the basis of his identity (Chinese, businessman). And yet I believe what he is saying here is far more insightful and pertinent than anything you might find in any of David Harvey’s lectures. Why?
Let’s travel back to Marx’s Grundrisse:
Beyond being a brilliant rebuke of liberal praise of “competition” in the abstract, it is notable that Marx here does not speak about worker versus capitalist, but of individual (that is, human) versus capital. If this seems like a tendentious reading, consider this fragment from his 1844 manuscripts:
Marx’s “inhuman power” and “capital which is set free” is the same entity that Eric Li has in mind when he speaks of “capital itself” and its “enshrined rights.” This talk, which appealingly (to me) borders on the supernatural, stands in stark contrast with Bernie Sanders-style rhetoric that chalks the problems we are mired in up to mere “corporate greed.” Greed is the vice in question, of course. One to be cursed and curbed. But every serious theorist understands that we face a far more serious challenge than the mere assembly of policy-makers with good moral fiber.
Consider Engels in On Authority:
Consider Lenin in Imperialism:
It is useful to conceive of two interlocking but different struggles: that of the worker versus the capitalist, and that of humanity versus capital itself. The workers’ triumph over the capitalist (“to each according to their work”) is in a sense a precondition for humanity’s triumph over capital (“to each according to their need”).
According to Christian Thorne, “[Marx’s] critique of political economy began as the philosophical critique of religion.” His work must be read in full, but the parallels he calls forth are striking:
This is capital as automatic subject. A technophile may call it something akin to a market-based artificial intelligence arising from game-theoretical instrumental rationality. Someone like Fidel Castro puts it more poetically, but I believe he is grappling with the same demon [emphasis mine]:
This is my preferred formulation:
Now, it would be a mistake to presume we are merely shackled via mental bonds, as so many of those who would plead for the masses to simply “wake up” often appear to believe. Marx and Engels are both emphatic in rejecting such a notion:
The need to transcend this miserable stage of historical development is urgent. And yet history has shown that the local liquidation of the capitalist class is insufficient. Witnessing the struggles of the Soviet Union, Trotsky and his followers mocked “Socialism in one country,” only to turn and push some truly fantastical garbage about permanent world revolution.
In this context, we begin to understand the genius behind the risky yet plainly rewarding balancing act that the CPC has been managing the last four decades, since Deng initiated the process of Reform and Opening-Up. Consider the trajectory traced by Losurdo:
Mao, 1958 (responding to criticism from the Soviet Union regarding the persistence of capitalist areas in the Chinese economy): “There are still capitalists in China, but the state is under the leadership of the Communist Party.”
Deng, 1978: “We shall not allow a new bourgeoisie to take shape.”
Deng, 1985: “Is it possible that a new bourgeoisie will emerge? A handful of bourgeois elements may appear, but they will not form a class.” [33]
What does this look like as of 2018? McGregor’s frightened pen once again proves insightful:
It simply does not matter how distasteful Westerners or, indeed, Soviets, find this compromise. A good scientific theory is able to make accurate predictions, and take risks on account of confidence in core principles. Deng is brimming with confidence in his interview with Oriana Fallaci in 1980:
And then again in 1984:
And then again in 1985:
There is no sense whatsoever, practical or principled, in refusing to credit Deng for his confidence in the Chinese people, in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and in democratic centralism as a bulwark against capitalist subterfuge. People who rightfully acknowledge Lenin’s innovations over Marx and Engels and then turn to reject Deng’s contributions are simply practising chauvinism.
Transitioning
I’ve elsewhere remarked that one of the most egregious and common vulgarizations of Marxism that I keep encountering is the flattening of all past and present history into “propertarianism” and the bright future ahead as “egalitarianism.” Portraying socialism as idyllic, and everything before it as hellish, may be all well and good as a slogan at a rally, but it ignores complex realities with important lessons for every revolutionary.
Consider this exchange between H. G. Wells and J. V. Stalin:
In the US, in France, in Russia: civil war, bloodshed. In Britain, collaboration. Stalin, unlike many of those who uphold him today, was perfectly willing to appreciate and derive lessons from other strategists. He died in 1953, and did not live to see capitalists all over Western Europe and Canada lovingly suffocate incipient revolutionary fervor in their countries with a mixture of CIA covert operations and bribes to appease the working class:
Sadly, Stalin’s prediction did come to pass:
Post-Soviet history demonstrated that the Soviet Union was indeed the bulwark of the international socialist movement, even and especially for those who opted for non-alignment and engaged in stern and performative condemnations of its cruelty. Even today, syndicalists and social democrats in the West look backwards rather than outwards when trying to understand their own history. They never understood that they were basking in the fading afterglow of someone else’s revolution.
The crucial difference between Western Social Democracies and Socialism with Chinese Characteristicslies precisely in the relation of domination. Both the former and the latter present similar features: some capitalists thriving, some pro-social policy being enacted. A fool would conclude their analysis here, declaring them the same. We need to ask ourselves what is different.
A revolution was necessary for the Chinese working class to gain power, and demonstrate the fearsome seriousness with which they would exercise it. After tragic failures, however, they corrected course. In the 1980s, they demonstrated flexibility in learning from the enemy. Then, throughout the 2010s, they corrected course again, reaping victories earlier sown. The Communist Party never ceded the power that they sacrificed so much to obtain. Conversely, the Western working classes never even tasted power, just concessions. Sadly, it was more than enough to subdue them. After revolutionary discipline was eroded into an anachronism, a whole mythology came into being. It pandered to the worst vices of western working classes: self-flattery and white supremacy. Armies of well-paid academics rewrote the history of the 20th century, and portrayed the doomed supplicant approach as a work of anti-authoritarian genius.
Concrete examples support the theory that the Chinese political system is truly distinct. Elsewhere in the interview with Wells, Stalin makes the following remark:
Now consider these excerpts from the aforementioned Guardian article:
Just as the lack of dignity of American workers isn’t merely superficial, but symptomatic, the same is true of the lack of dignity of Chinese capitalists. The periodic execution of corrupt capitalists and the humiliation of Jack Ma matter. Chauvinistic “Left” intellectuals may dismiss them as performative, but Western capitalists accustomed to impunity understand the threat loud and clear. The dignity or indignity experienced by different classes testifies more to the class character of a state than musings about its leaders’ sincerity.
The handling of COVID-19 is another powerful example. [43]
However, the grip of the Communist Party is nowhere more apparent than in China’s foreign policy, where peace and multilateralism appear in stark opposition to capitalism’s depraved and inhumane pursuit of profit. China is simultaneously berated as an encroaching superpredator by the Western establishment and scolded for not exporting revolution by Western ultra-leftists. Witnessing the US openly installing and propping up reactionaries like Bolivia’s Añez and Brazil’s Bolsonaro, Western socialists chide China for failing to retaliate in kind. Xi Jinping responded decisively in 2012:
The Chinese strategy can be understood as a reaction to the outcomes of the Soviet model, which openly aligned with emancipatory projects world-wide. Although heroic, the bravado allowed capitalists to construct and propagate narratives of impending communist invasion, which in turn created the conditions for the erection of economic fences that isolated and ultimately destroyed dependent socialist projects.
As far back as 1950, Deng Xiaoping laid out the basic tenets of an alternative strategy:
To put it metaphorically, the USSR helped revolutionary forces cross the river, a river they were never quite strong enough to cross on their own. China instead stands across that same river, offering help to those who manage to cross it. China’s history of undermining US sanctions against Cuba, the DPRK, and Venezuela does not in itself help any individual revolutionary party succeed. However, whoever succeeds knows they won’t have to deal with US subterfuge without support. The success or failure of any revolution will once again be up to national forces, not Washington, ex machina.
Yanis Varoufakis explains how this respect and solidarity for expanding “progressive forces” works out in practice:
This is not an isolated anecdote. London School of Economics research concludes an Ethopian case study with the discovery that “Chinese Investment In Africa Has Had ‘Significant And Persistently Positive’ Long-Term Effects Despite Controversy.” [46] Dr. Deborah Brautigam from Johns Hopkins Universityconcurs:
Why can’t capitalists replicate these strategies, even cynically, in pursuit of long-term profit? As per Lenin, “the degree of concentration which has been reached forces [capitalists] to adopt [imperialism] in order to obtain profits.” These strategies are only available to China because the CPC — China’s sovereign, the political authority — is able to check the power of capital.
Inequality and Socialism
Can someone who makes more money than you ever be said to be working for you?
The idea of a wealthy or even exploitative servant may appear self-evidently ridiculous, however it is not actually all that farfetched. Doctors, for example, tend to be very well-paid compared to their patients.
Consider this exchange between German author Emil Ludwig and J. V. Stalin, in which once again a Western European appears puzzled at the sophistication of the Georgian:
Income inequality rhetoric ignores that a class can reap the benefits of work via public investment (e.g. a bullet train), even if bosses make more as individuals. Working Chinese people are seeing the fruits of their labour despite billionaires and inequality. To recriminate them for not demanding more is recriminating the virtue of patience.
In fact, much of what passes for “socialist” idealism in the West turns out to be a mirror image of bog-standard liberal-capitalist entrepreneurship propaganda: “I will be my own boss! I will run my own business!” This idealism appears unaware that the necessity of management is foisted upon us by logistics, not capitalism. Denial of this reality results in fantasies of perfect synchrony between perfectly autonomous anarchists.
The “Fully Automated Luxury Communism” dream, embraced more by pundits with cushy lives than working people, also reveals a dark truth: western “socialists” have some awareness that a more equal world will mean losing first-world privileges. They cannot conceive of things getting better steadily and slowly, with hard work. And so they are forced to denigrate the Chinese road of self-sacrifice in favour of leisure-driven utopianism. The reality is that the victory of the working class over the capitalist class will usher in an era of hard but rewarding work, as opposed to hard work without reward.
Another staple of Western socialism borrowed from Christian culture, pervasive in our entertainment media, is the idea that the pure of heart are bound to succeed against all odds, one way or another, absolving us of the need to ever make hard sacrifices. This is simply not realistic. We should be sympathetically analyzing how socialists throughout history managed difficulties such as placating masses which coveted American consumer goods (blue jeans in the USSR), and the lack of excitement — even disappointment — over social welfare offerings (such as Universal Healthcare in Canada), rather than tallying sins to see if we can justify branding them Judas.
Adopting a mindset which acknowledges the difficulties faced by the Soviet Union and Cuba, both with waning domestic enthusiasm over socialism and hostile international encirclement, goes a long way towards dissolving what initially appears to be a devastating “gotcha” against China.
Conclusion
Why does China have billionaires?
I want readers to abandon their unearned sense of moral superiority, the one that leads Westerners to arrogantly declare Chinese choices betrayals. I want them to adopt instead a curious approach, one that tries to understand why someone like themselves would make such choices, even if it doesn’t appear obvious at first. With this mindset, it turns out anyone, not just “scholars” and “experts,” can participate in the conversation, simply by considering the difficulties and contradictions China must manage:
Many people are not selfless, and in fact downright selfish and greedy, so that dream keeps them working hard. Making room for their ambition stems the brain-drain of talent, which is a zero-sum game. Some of the fiercest and most dangerous opponents of the Soviet Union and Cuba were in fact vengeful “expats,” whereas in China’s case most vile but intelligent capitalists stay behind, within disciplinary reach of the Communist Party.
Billionaires work as “adapters” to the rest of the capitalist world, enabling trade and collaboration as well as tempering anxiety arising from fear of the unknown, which helps prevent encirclement.
They exist as scapegoats if one is ever needed. Consider how narratives about the Soviet Union always attribute every incident that ever occurred in its history to the deliberate malice of the Communist Party.
These aren’t exhaustive, nor fully fleshed-out. Despite the title of this essay, I don’t intend to provide a final answer that satisfies every reader. I couldn’t hope to. My goal is to get us to reconsider our approach to the problem at hand. Nobody knows which institutions need to be swapped out in what order or on what schedule, because no one’s ever successfully effected the transition to communism.
Westerners need to fantasize less about the complete reorganization of society into something utterly unrecognizable and focus more on how to take control over the ugliness that already exists so that they can chart a better course for their countries, as China has.
Socialism is not a checklist, and the experience of rich imperialist nations where capitalists bribed angry masses with welfare to stop them from revolting can never be its benchmark. Socialism is, and always has been, an ongoing experiment.
Notes
- Mao Zedong, 1949. On the People’s Democratic Dictatorship. [web] ↩
Gerhard Peters. The American Presidency Project: Presidential Job Approval. UC Santa Barbara, based on Gallup Polling. [web] ↩
Dan Harsha, July 2020. Taking China’s pulse. The Harvard Gazette. [web] ↩
Fidel Castro, November 2004. Speech awarding the Order of Jose Martí to Hu Jintao. Cuban Government Archives. [web] — “China se ha convertido objetivamente en la más prometedora esperanza y el mejor ejemplo para todos los países del Tercer Mundo.” ↩
Fidel Castro, July 2014. It is time to know a little more about realities. Granma. [web] ↩
Yanis Varoufakis, May 2018. Capitalism: The Beast that Dominates our Lives. Cambridge Forum. [web] ↩↩
Elaine Reyes, June 2018. Bolivia’s President Evo Morales speaks on bilateral ties with China. CGTN Africa. [web] ↩
June 2018. Xi, Morales hold talks, agree to establish China-Bolivia strategic partnership. Xinhua. [web] ↩
W. Gyude Moore, August 2020. China has built more infrastructure in Africa in two decades than the West has in centuries. Africa-China Review. [web] Twitter ↩
“Anonymous Senior Government Official,” January 2021. To Counter China’s Rise, the U.S. Should Focus on Xi. Politico. [web] ↩
Robert C. O’Brien, June 2020. The Chinese Communist Party’s Ideology and Global Ambitions. The White House. [web] ↩
November 2009. Portrait of Vice-President Xi Jinping. US Embassy in Beijing leaked cables on Wikileaks. [web] ↩
Chris Buckley and Andrew Jacobs, June 2015. Maoists in China, Given New Life, Attack Dissent. The New York Times. [web] ↩
Richard McGregor, July 2019. How the state runs business in China. The Guardian. [web] ↩↩↩
September 2020. China’s authoritarian approach won’t save the environment. The Economist. [web] ↩
David Rennie, September 2020. The Economist on Twitter. [web] ↩
Jonathan Cheng, March 2021. Wall Street Journal on Twitter. [web] ↩
Roger Garside, April 2021. Regime change in China is not only possible, it is imperative. The Globe and Mail. [web] ↩
June 2021, China will soon open a new stretch of rail across Tibet. The Economist. [web] ↩
Raymond Zhong, July 2021. China’s Crackdown on Didi Is a Reminder That Beijing Is in Charge.New York Times. [web] ↩
Jones Manoel, May 2020. Western Marxism, the Fetish for Defeat, and Christian Culture. [web] ↩
Domenico Losurdo, 2000. Flight from History? The Communist Movement between Self-Criticism and Self-Contempt. [web] ↩
John Pilger, December 2016. The Coming War on China. True Story Documentary Channel. [web] ↩
V. I. Lenin, 1917. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Chapter 5, Division of the World Among Capitalist Associations. [web] ↩
Christian Thorne, October 2017. Marx’s Philosophical Context. [web] ↩
Friedrich Engels, 1847. The Principles of Communism. [web] ↩
Domenico Losurdo, 2017. Has China Turned To Capitalism? — Reflections onthe Transition from Capitalism to Socialism. International Critical Thought, 7:1, 15-31, DOI:10.1080/21598282.2017.1287585 ↩
Deng Xiaoping, June 1984. Build Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. [web] ↩
Deng Xiaoping, 1985. Reform is the only way for China to develop its productive forces. [web] ↩
Karl Marx, May 1875. The Critique of the Gotha Programme, Part IV. [web] ↩
V. I. Lenin, 1920. Speech Delivered To The Moscow Gubernia Conference Of The R.C.P.(B.).[web] ↩
Xi Jinping, March 2019. Dialectical Materialism Is the Worldview and Methodology of Chinese Communists. Qiushi Journal. [web] ↩
M. B. Rasmussen and C. H. Knutsen, March 2019. Reforming to Survive: The Bolshevik Origins of Social Policies. [web] ↩
J. V. Stalin, December 1926. The Seventh Enlarged Plenum of the E.C.C.I. [web] ↩
Talha Burki, November 2020. China’s successful control of COVID-19. The Lancet. [web] ↩
Ben Blanchard, November 2012. Xi Jinping’s journey from China party elite to party leader. Reuters. [web] ↩
Deng Xiaoping, July 1950. The Question of Minority Nationalities in the Southwest. [web] ↩
February 2021. Chinese Investment In Africa Has Had ‘Significant And Persistently Positive’ Long-Term Effects Despite Controversy. Eurasia Review. [web] ↩
Deborah Brautigam and Meg Rithmire, February, 2021. The Chinese ‘Debt Trap’ Is a Myth. The Atlantic. [web] ↩
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