Showing posts with label Putin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Putin. Show all posts

Monday, February 12, 2024

"Explaining Lenin’s Politics and Putin’s Actions in Ukraine" by Eduardo Vasco

 

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Explaining Lenin’s Politics and Putin’s Actions in Ukraine

Eduardo Vasco
    February 11, 2024

What Putin is doing is combating the violation of Russia’s self-determination. By pushing NATO out of Ukraine, he objectively also acts for the freedom of Ukraine.

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This article does not aim to define what nationalities and nations are, but rather to discuss a pragmatic policy that resolves (at least in the short and medium term) the issue of self-determination of Ukrainians, based on Lenin’s ideas and the practice of the Soviet and the current Russian state.

This is a small controversy that will be developed with the text “Ucrania, creación de Lenin”, originally published by Pedro Fernández Barbadillo on the “Libertad Digital” portal and reproduced on the Strategic Culture Foundation.

Self-determination in the Russian Empire

During the validity of the Russian Empire, the people who lived in the region then called “Little Russia” (Ukraine) were oppressed by the Imperial Russian government, as was the majority of the empire’s population, made up of nationalities lacking all types of rights.

Russia observed the emergence of a nationalist movement from the middle of the 19th century, in the wake of the “Spring of the Peoples” of 1848, when both the popular masses of the great European nations, as well as the people of nationalities colonized and oppressed by them (within Europe) rebelled against the monarchy and aristocracy.

The Russian Empire was the most reactionary and backward in all of Europe and led the counter-revolution. It was not interested in any significant change, not even in other European powers, as it knew that this would influence political changes in its own territory. That’s why it supported the repression against the Hungarians by Austria, for example, as well as repressing the Poles. Nationalist agitation crossed Central and Eastern Europe and even the First World War was triggered by nationalist action (the assassination of the Austrian prince by the Serbs), although it was an imperialist war.

Thus, it is frightening to read, in the article cited above, that nationalist movements only existed in Poland, Ireland, the Baltic countries and Arabia and that, only after Brest-Litovsk and the fall of the Habsburgs, in 1918, did they spread throughout Eastern Europe!

Nationalism was a natural feeling in the face of the oppression suffered by dying empires. Its essence is the same as that of the great national liberation movement that took place in Asia and Africa in the middle of the 20th century.

For Lenin and the Bolsheviks, heirs to the theses of Marx and Engels and, as Marxists, to the Enlightenment ideas that had guided the struggle for independence until then, it was an obligation to recognize and support those who wanted independence in the face of an oppressive State. This independence was not in contradiction with the supreme idea of the Marxists, the unity of the proletarians of the whole world. Lenin wrote in June 1917:

“Only the recognition of this right makes it possible to advocate the free union of Ukrainians and Great Russians, a voluntary association of two peoples in one State”

Lenin and the Bolsheviks, despite seeking – and managing – to take power within Russia, were absolutely not responsible for any policy carried out by tsarism. The use they would make of the Russian State would be the opposite of what had been done by the monarchy: the State of the Soviets was the State of freedom, not of oppression.

Anyone who studies geopolitics knows very well that the use of “soft power” is much more desirable than the use of “hard power” for any nation. The United States, for example, knows that oppression of people around the world is exhausting, unpopular and unstable. Even more so if it is open and evident. That’s why they talk about bringing democracy and freedom, even though in practice the economic oppression of “independent” countries is as enslaving as military oppression. Who wants to live crushed by oppression like this? Absolutely no one!

That is, analyzing strictly from a pragmatic and non-ideological point of view, it is more desirable for a superpower to dominate through consent than through coercion. Hence, even for the widows of tsarism, territorial domination of Ukraine and other neighboring nations would be negative.

On the other hand, reality also imposed itself. The Bolsheviks had inherited a country in ruins, destroyed by the work of the tsarist regime itself. Pedro Fernández Barbadillo thinks that the Russian Revolution – which he calls a “coup d’état” – was a bolt from the blue, carried out by “a handful of Bolshevik agitators” sent by the II Reich to weaken Russia and hand it over to Germany. This is the same litany promoted by the resentful people of 1917.

The truth is that the Russian Empire had become rotten. It could no longer compete with the imperialists. The humiliating defeat to Japan in 1905 was proof of this. The situation of the Russian army at the beginning of 1917 leaves no doubt. If the Bolsheviks had not taken power, Russia would possibly not have become the Soviet power, defeated only seven decades later, but certainly the workers would still have defeated the monarchy definitively. It was a historical necessity, not a stroke of luck. The enormous popular, peasant and worker movement would have taken over the country in one way or another, as poverty, hunger, lack of land to cultivate and mass deaths could not be tolerated any longer. What’s more: those same people who accused the Bolsheviks of being at the service of Germany allied themselves with the foreign powers, who invaded Russia, to fight their compatriots. Truly, they had a great love for their homeland!

Soviet power, proof of Lenin’s success

The siege by 14 invading armies and the economic and material destruction caused by the czar’s disastrous administration – in every possible way – pointed to a situation of total disadvantage for the Bolsheviks. In fact, many, among the leaders of the new regime, did not believe that the Soviet State would emerge victorious. All Western newspapers assured that Soviet power would fall in a matter of weeks. Continued Russian participation in the world war would mean Russia’s imminent defeat. Lenin realized that the only viable solution for peace within Russia and the chance to rebuild the country was to make concessions to the imperialist powers.

Sun Tzu already taught 2,500 years ago, that if the enemy is superior to you, avoid him. Even more so if there are 14 armies! You have to know when to fight and when not to fight. In the specific case of Ukraine at the time of the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, there were five armies of 100,000 men each, which occupied part of Ukraine, and the weakened Russian army was unable to help the weakened army of the Soviet forces in Ukraine.

Finally, after the Treaty, which Lenin himself never hid was humiliating for Russia, but which was the only viable option, and in the face of Germany’s defeat in World War I, in the midst of the Russian Civil War the Red Army attacked the counter-revolutionary allies to the invaders in Ukraine. The commander of the Red Army, Leon Trotsky, exhorted the red soldiers:

“Keep this firmly in your minds: your task is not to conquer Ukraine, but to liberate it. When Denikin’s bands have finally been crushed, the working people of free Ukraine will decide for themselves on what terms they will live with Soviet Russia. We are all sure, and we know, that the working people of Ukraine will opt for the closest fraternal union with us.”

The Red Army defeated the counter-revolutionary and invading troops. Ukraine came under the control of its own people, the workers Ukrainians, in voluntary and fraternal union with the Russians. This union was ratified and formalized on December 30, 1922, when Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Transcaucasia formed the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

It was proof of the correctness of Lenin’s policy regarding the right to self-determination of peoples. He predicted, back in 1915, that only the struggle for self-determination and voluntary union between peoples would enable the formation of a strong multinational State on the path to progress:

“The defense of this right, far from encouraging the creation of small States, leads, on the contrary, to the freer, bolder and, therefore, broader and more extensive formation of large States and federations of States, more beneficial to the masses and more in line with economic development.”

In fact, the principle of the right to self-determination of peoples is a bourgeois principle, which emerged when the bourgeoisie still constituted a progressive and revolutionary class, and has been claimed since the French Revolution of 1789, through the revolutions of 1848, to the present day. But the bourgeoisie itself abandoned this principle, when it stopped being a progressive class and began to lead the international reaction against the peoples of the world. Those who defend it now are the workers, and, to a lesser extent, sectors of the bourgeoisie of countries that suffer precisely from national oppression by the great imperialist powers.

The formation of the USSR signifies this transition. The Bolsheviks did not claim the people’s right to self-determination as an empty word, without effect, but they carried it out. The following statement by Pedro Fernández Barbadillo is absolutely false:

“This political principle is one of the most destructive in international law and has caused great instability, as it was a way for great powers to intervene in small and medium-sized companies under the excuse of protecting ethnic minorities.”

The right to self-determination of peoples, in fact, is one of the most basic and essential, because it is a recognition of the legitimacy of the struggle of oppressed peoples for their liberation. If this right did not exist, it would not make much difference, because people would continue to fight for their independence in the same way. Because it is a necessity. What the people of Palestine, Iraq and Syria are doing right now is precisely fighting for their self-determination. Palestine was occupied almost 80 years ago by a foreign force, Iraq and Syria have imperialist military bases in their territories.

It is not the right to self-determination of peoples that causes instability in countries, but rather their disrespect for imperialist powers. If Syria were not oppressed by American and European imperialism, both militarily and economically, that is, if it were fully independent, the situation of the Kurds would be very easily resolved. The oppression exercised by Saddam Hussein over the Kurds of Iraq was only possible – at least at that level – thanks to the support he received from the United States. At the same time, Saddam Hussein was an instrument of the American power to oppress the Iraqi people – as well as the Iranian people, who had their country invaded by Hussein’s troops.

It is obvious that great powers use ethnic minorities to destabilize countries around the world. European colonialism already did this in Africa centuries ago. But this does not mean that the demands of these minorities are illegitimate. The problem with imperialist powers is that their governments do not have principles, but rather a policy of convenience. When it was not appropriate to support the rights of the Kurds in Iraq, they did not support them – they helped to repress them. When appropriate, they supposedly support them. Lenin, in turn, acted according to his principles and never according to convenience.

Yet another false statement from the writer we are arguing against is the following:

“The Reds admitted the right to self-determination only if it served to destroy traditional institutions and loyalties.”

Some examples cited above refute his statement. In Ukraine and Finland, where supporting their independence was not positive from an immediate point of view, the “reds” supported it because they knew that strategically, in the long term, this would be positive. Lenin even supported Georgia’s self-determination when it was already part of the USSR! Again, the maxim of the Leninist Bolsheviks was that people should be convinced to unite, not forced. More than anyone else, this benefited the people of Soviet Russia, the vanguard of the international revolution against the bourgeoisie and imperialist powers. A fair policy that respected the full freedom of neighboring peoples guaranteed the revolutionaries, even if it took time, the trust of other peoples.

Barbadillo against Barbadillo

Unfortunately, Lenin’s correct policy was betrayed by Stalin. Stalin – and he alone, not together with Lenin, as Barbadillo claims – created a “local oligarchy” (the apparatchiks, the Stalinist bureaucracy) in the republics that formed the Soviet Union, in the mid-1920s. Rather than ensuring the independence of the workers and peoples of the entire USSR, which would guarantee his support for the free union of the Soviet peoples, he imposed the Russification of these republics, imitating what “the tsars did in the countries they conquered” – according to the author’s own words.

And that’s when Barbadillo begins to contradict everything he had said! Without differentiating Stalinist politics from Leninist politics, that is, blaming the “reds” and the October Revolution, he writes that Moscow wanted the disappearance of the Ukrainians, considered “enemies of the Soviet State”, for which they were repressed with the “Holodomor” and deportations and persecutions. If, at the beginning of his article, he indicated that Ukrainian nationalism was non-existent, now he says that Ukrainians have become “anti-Russian”!

The reason for all the author’s attacks on Lenin and the Bolsheviks is exposed. This is not a defense of Russia, but pure anti-communism. From a defense of the oppression imposed by the Russian Empire on the Ukrainians, he moves to the defense of Ukrainians against the alleged oppression imposed by the communists. Above, we mentioned that imperialist powers have no principles and act according to their convenience. This policy is not limited to States and governments, but is also adopted by mere individuals at the level of Mr. Barbadillo!

So that there is no doubt about the purely anti-communist intention of his article, he mentions the “communist fifth column in European and American countries”, apparently already in the second half of the 20th century. In other words, those who fought precisely against the imperialist powers, who oppressed small and medium-sized nations around the world, are for him a “fifth column” within these countries, at the service of the Russians. He recognizes, at the same time, even if timidly, that those who fought for the independence of Latin American countries (then occupied by military dictatorships serving the U.S.) and against the subordination of European nations to American imperialism were enemies of these countries. But they could only be enemies of the governments of these countries, true puppets of the main imperialist power in the world, and not of the people of these countries, who wanted true self-determination.

Barbadillo is Spanish. At that time, Spain was controlled by the fascist dictatorship of Francisco Franco. Although the U.S. sold itself as the promoters of freedom and democracy, those who would have defeated fascist and Nazi barbarism in World War II, used fascist Spain as a colony and filled the dictator’s pockets. Those who opposed this were precisely the communists. Today, even 50 years after the collapse of Francoism, Spain remains a vassal state of the United States. It is a lower-level imperialist country, which lives off the conquests of its colonizing past and the oppression it still imposes on Catalonia and the Basque Country. Contrary to what they do in China (on Taiwan, Hong Kong and Xinjiang), in Syria, Iraq and Iran (on the Kurds), in Latin America (on indigenous people), the United States has never promoted a campaign in favor of self-determination of the Catalan, Basque or Galician peoples. Precisely because this would destabilize Spanish vassal imperialism. Just as the legitimate independence of Scotland would destabilize the crumbling British imperialism, another vassal of the US.

It is not the place of this article to discuss whether socialist ideology is more or less inherent to human beings than nationalism. Barbadillo argues that nationalism is “much stronger” and “even inherent” in human beings than socialism, and that this is one of the lessons about the existence of the Soviet Union. This conclusion comes after saying that Lenin created Ukrainian nationalism and indicating that there is no Catalan, Scottish or Flemish nationalism! And worse, after defending as an essential thesis that the self-determination of peoples (that is, the recognition of national struggles) is nothing more than a pretext for the great powers to intervene in other countries!

What a contradiction! But, I say it again: the imperialist powers and their defenders have no principles. They act for mere convenience.

Putin writes correctly with crooked lines

There has been much discussion since the start of the special military operation, on February 24, 2022, about Ukraine’s self-determination. American and European imperialism, which has enslaved Ukraine for more than 30 years, and in fact prevented its self-determination, accuses Russia of violating that self-determination.

But Western propaganda hides that, in addition to violating Ukraine’s self-determination, the U.S. and NATO also violate Russia’s self-determination. And that has always been the case! Even when Lenin was alive, Russia was invaded, blockaded and isolated from the world. Then, a “cold war” was imposed on it, a monumental sabotage of its right to exist. Ultimately, this war – which was external and internal, since Stalinist bureaucrats were, in fact, at the service of destroying the USSR – culminated in the collapse of Russia and neighboring nations before the neoliberal empire. To this day, Russia struggles for its self-determination, which has not yet been achieved due to intense imperialist oppression. The NATO siege is the most obvious example of this oppression.

Therefore, what Putin is doing is combating the violation of Russia’s self-determination. By pushing NATO out of Ukraine, he objectively also acts for the freedom of Ukraine, enslaved by the imperialist powers. Putin has already managed to liberate part of Donbass, where a large part of the population is of Russian nationality and had already been fighting for self-determination since the 2014 imperialist coup in Kiev. According to Barbadillo’s logic, Russia would be using the people’s right to self-determination as a way to intervene in Ukraine under the excuse of protecting the Russian ethnic minority.

And he really thinks so, as he compares Putin’s action in the Donbass with Hitler’s action in Central Europe to “unite the Germans into one state”. The big difference is that Hitler’s Germany was an imperialist nation expanding upon oppressed nations, while Putin’s Russia is an oppressed nation fighting the expansion of imperialist powers. Barbadillo’s confused mind, which previously thought that nationalism was non-existent and then that it was inherent to the human being, is unable to differentiate an oppressor nation from an oppressed nation.

The Russian Empire oppressed the Ukrainians, but it no longer exists. It doesn’t matter if there are Putin’s supporters who want it, or even if Putin himself wants to rebuild that empire – as his detractors say. The Russian Empire is a thing of the past that will never return. The conditions of development of the world capitalist system do not allow this. The Russians know this. The Russian government itself admits that its country belongs to the “Global South” and has no pretensions to world domination like Germany had and like the US always had.

Analyzing objective conditions, without any ideological filter, the reconstruction of the Soviet Union is more possible than that of the Russian Empire. The people of Crimea and Donbass desired their reintegration into Russia and reconquered it. The Belarusian people are in favor of a new union with Russia and for almost 30 years Lukashenko has been working within the perspective of the Union State. The Eurasian Economic Union increasingly reintegrates the nations of Central Asia into Russia.

Although at this time this new union is not socialist, these measures promoted by Putin are not opposed to Lenin’s policies. The former Russian leader had already mentioned a similar – and even less democratic – situation that occurred in the second half of the 19th century, when Bismarck unified Germany. Lenin, like Marx and Engels, considered German unification as a progressive factor and, just like Putin with Donbass and Crimea, “Bismarck boosted economic development by unifying the scattered Germans, who were oppressed by other peoples”. These words were written in 1915, in the article “The national pride of Russians”. He also said, as if responding to Barbadillo:

“We are by no means unconditional supporters of infallibly small nations; other things being equal, we are absolutely in favor of centralization and against the petty-bourgeois ideal of federative relations.”

The reservation highlighted by Lenin himself (“other things being equal”) is to highlight that, unlike the imperialists, Lenin’s supporters defend a union based on equality, and not on oppression over other nations. As long as there are equal rights, socialists are in favor of the total union of nations in the same State, as was carried out a few years later with the founding of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

The “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People”, of 1918, said, in Chapter IV, Article 8:

“In striving to create a truly free and voluntary and, consequently, more complete and solid union of the working classes of all the nations of Russia, the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets limits itself to establishing the essential principles of the Federation of Republics of the Soviets of Russia, reserving to the workers and peasants of each nation the right to decide freely in their own national Congress of Soviets whether they wish, and on what basis, to participate in the Federal Government and in the other federal institutions of the Soviets.”

Five years later, the USSR Constitution of 1923 stipulated:

“4. Each federated Republic reserves the right to freely secede from the Union.”

And Article 6 guaranteed that, “for the reform, restriction or derogation of Article 4, the consent of all federated Republics will be necessary”. At the same time, Article 7 ensured: “citizens of the Federation shall enjoy the unique citizenship of the Union.”

The centralization subsequently imposed by Stalin did not occur through democratic means, as the soviets and other independent bodies of workers, peasants and the people in general had already been dismantled. However, it was in line with what Lenin advocated in 1915 in favor of the unity of the multinational State.

Although not as complete as in the early USSR, the right to self-determination has been recognized by the current Russian government with respect to Donetsk, Lugansk, Kherson and Zaporozhye. The populations of these territories freed from occupation by the Ukrainian armed forces and fascist groupings (and NATO) were able to vote freely in referendums supported by Russia, just as the population of Crimea had done in 2014. They freely decided to separate from Ukraine and join the Russia later. The U.S., NATO and Ukraine do not recognize this right, Russia does. Just as it recognizes the rights of peoples around the world, in Europe – with the tacit support to the Catalans and Scots –, in Africa, Asia, Latin America and in its own territory, despite, in practice, national minorities still do not enjoy full equality with Russians – just as Russian workers do not enjoy any equality in relation to their Russian employers (still, respect for national rights is greater in Russia than in Spain or the United Kingdom).

If it were not for the defense of the right to self-determination of peoples, initiated by Lenin and the Soviet Union, and continued by Putin – although without the same forcefulness as the Bolsheviks, for reasons of defending different interests –, today Russia would not have the prestige that it has among poor and exploited countries. If it were not for this defense, the people of Africa, Asia and Latin America would not be supporting Russia today in its fight against NATO and imperial domination of the world. Oppressed countries see Russia as a strong ally in defending their rights to self-determination thanks to the authority that Russia has due to its history of defending this right since Soviet times. And this started with Lenin, although some have difficulty recognizing this.

Sunday, February 11, 2024

"Putin and Western Values" by Hans Vogel

 

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Putin and Western Values

The interview that Russian President Vladimir Putin recently gave to American independent journalist Tucker Carlson was more than just an interview. In an approach reminiscent of the famous German journalist Emil Ludwig, Mr. Carlson tried to get a real conversation going, with serious answers to serious questions. Therefore, and unlike the style of most of today’s Western journalists doing interviews, he actually listened to the interviewee, without trying to steer him into making statements that satisfy the US imperial propaganda apparatus.

Rather than an interview, what we saw was a master-class in history, skillfully delivered by the Russian President. Needless to say, most of it seemed novel to Mr. Carlson, who admitted to having studied history as an undergraduate. Likewise, most of what Putin said is certain to be news to the elites, journalists and the general public in the “West.” Certainly in the US, but I am afraid also in Europe, which has been under US occupation and incessant, systematic brainwashing for eighty years now.

It should be pointed out that the US is built on the conscious denial of history. In the eyes of both the US public and its leading elites, the US remains outside of history: it is a “shining city upon a hill” that all the rest of the world is looking up to in never-ending amazement, hoping to be able to partake of its wonders. If only for that reason, Putin’s history class was necessary, but if it will be helpful must be seriously doubted.

Those who make the decisions in the US Empire will be impervious to Putin’s message. Apart from sheer intellectual incapacity, an additional impediment to understanding what the Russian President said will be a serious case of cognitive dissonance. After all, given the embarrassing public appearances of US President Joe Biden, as he stumbles on stairs and stammers through the brief notes he is given to recite, it must hurt the collective self-esteem to watch Putin acting like a real statesman. The self-confidence that Putin exudes is only more reason for embarrassment and shame and will certainly deepen the cognitive dissonance.

It should be borne in mind that not too long ago, numerous Western leaders publicly praised Putin for being a great guy, on the level, trustworthy, reliable and intelligent. That same guy is now leading a military campaign in the Ukraine that has made it clear for all with eyes to see that the West is militarily, diplomatically and culturally inferior to Russia. It sure takes a lot of lies, spinning and generating counter-narratives to make those facts recede into the background. As a matter of fact, the moment is approaching when Western elites need to accept the inevitable, namely that the Ukraine cannot survive, certainly not in its present form.

Then what about the display of Ukrainian flags all over the EU and NATOstan? We have been seeing those yellow-blue flags and ribbons on public buildings, government offices and indeed everywhere in the public space, even on thousands of web sites, testifying to their unwavering support and sympathy for the Ukraine. Such public displays are still mandatory, since the Ukraine supposedly embodies “Western Values.” These need to be defended against the brutal invasion by a “dictator” and a “war criminal,” who is depicted as the latest reincarnation of none other than Adolf Hitler. (Of course, the supporters of the Ukraine in the West are closing their eyes to the fact that hard-core Ukrainian nationalist zealots tend to admire people like Stepan Bandera, who worked hand-in-hand with Hitler’s soldiers).

But what about those “Western Values?” There was a time not too long ago when these were the humanistic values of the Declaration of Human Rights dating from 1948. In essence, this Declaration is an elaboration of the Enlightenment principle that “all men are created equal,” as enshrined in the US Declaration of Independence.

Today, those values have been replaced by others, represented by abbreviations in capitals, such as “BLM” and “LGBTQ.” As a matter of fact, when “all men (mind you, this term as used until recently, covers all of humanity) are created equal” this perforce includes “people of color,” men who think they are a woman or a dog, and women who think they are a man or a cat or whatever. Nevertheless, the new, capitalized “Western Values” are supported and promoted throughout the world by mostly three-letter entities and agencies such as NED, HRW, AID, CIA, WEF, WHO, IMF and numerous others, including NATO and the EU.

The new “Western Values” are protected by strict censorship on social media and stringent hate-speech legislation, outlawing any comment about anyone which that person objects to. For any sane person by now, the only sure way of avoiding trouble and prosecution under hate-speech laws is to keep one’s mouth shut. That is what Western democracy has morphed into: a complete madhouse.

In Germany, football/soccer fans were reprimanded for stating there are no more than two genders; in much of the EU, there are stringent laws against “Holocaust Denial,” whereas the pressures are mounting to make “Climate Denial” illegal as well. In Canada, lawmakers are planning to outlaw any criticism of legislation banning “fossil fuels,” while in Israel they intend to make it illegal to question the official narrative of what happened on October 7, 2023, when Hamas crossed the border into Israel.

In line with those wonderful “Western Values” it is apparently possible to expel people and deprive them of their civil rights for insufficient language skills. That is what the government of Latvia (an EU member state) is doing. They have begun to throw out Latvian citizens of Russian descent who are considered unable to speak Latvian properly. At the same time, the University of Latvia in the capital Riga is expanding its courses taught in English to foreign students who will never even bother to learn Latvian at all.

The Ukraine is being supported by the EU because it wants to remain seceded from Russia, of which it has been an integral part for centuries, as President Putin has explained so eloquently. At the same time the EU has been preventing the independence of Catalonia, for which a vast majority of Catalan voters as recently as 2017 expressed their support. So the Catalans want to have their independent state like the Ukraine, and with solid reasons, for Catalonia (as the Kingdom of Aragon) boasts a tradition of independent nationhood since the Middle Ages. Apparently, double standards are also part and parcel of “Western Values.”

To top it all off, one in four members of the 705-seat European Parliament has a criminal record. We are talking here about people that, mostly in their home countries, have been visited, questioned or detained by the police or convicted in a court of law. In other words, the highest representative organ in the EU is made up of ordinary criminals. For one quarter, but still, those people enact laws that the 450 million EU subjects have to adhere to! An admirable feat, to say the least.

The core of the problem is that Western elites and peoples may think they have “values,” with many wishing to uphold these, but that is just not possible. This is because since the mid-1980s the West in fact only adheres to one single value: money. Everything in the “West” is expressed in monetary value, everything has a price. And where everything has a price, there remains nothing of value. Therefore, even the one value that the West has and truly respects, that is money, is meaningless.

That is why those “Western Values” are a total sham.

Vladimir Putin has eloquently shown this in the interview he granted Tucker Carlson.

The Western public is deeply indebted to President Putin for showing their rulers what the facts are, what Russia is all about and how things really work. The moment those rulers realize they have no values, they will also understand Mr. Putin’s lesson.

Thursday, December 21, 2023

"On Speaking Plain 'Putin,' Part Two" by Scott Ritter

 

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Source: Consortium News

SCOTT RITTER: On Speaking Plain ‘Putin,’ Part Two

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Because of their grossly inaccurate assessments of the Russian president and his country, “Putin Whisperers” in the West have Ukrainian blood on their hands.

Russian President Vladimir Putin on Tuesday at a meeting of the Defence Ministry Board. (Artem Geodakyan, TASS)

By Scott Ritter
Special to Consortium News

Read Part One of this two-part series.

Russians who lived through the 1990s remember the decade quite differently from Michael McFaul, the former U.S.  ambassador/Stanford University professor. One such person is Marat Khairullin, a Russian journalist who has reported on Russia since the end of the Soviet Union.

In a remarkable essay published on his Substack account (I urge anyone interested in the reality of modern Russia and the war between Russia and Ukraine to subscribe), Khairullin lays out the connection between the war that McFaul and his fellow critics call Putin’s own, and the Russian people. 

Entitled “Russia I am trying to forget,” Khairullin describes a time — the 1990s— where humanity was put on hold because of the corruption and depravations of the Yeltsin government, and reminds his readers that this is the Russia to which McFaul and the other erstwhile Western Russian “experts” want to return, something which Vladimir Putin has sworn to never allow to happen. 

The goal of the collective West in promoting and sustaining the Russian-Ukraine conflict is to remove Putin from power and install a Yeltsin-like clone in his stead. Arat’s article serves as a stark warning about the consequences of such an outcome for the Russian people. 

For Their Miserable Apartments

Khairullin recalls one assignment, in the early 1990s, where he traveled to “a small Ural town” to investigate an allegation of particular cruelty. “Lonely old people who remembered the Great Patriotic War (WWII) were evicted from their apartments throughout all the Russia,” Khairullin recalled. 

“This happened everywhere — Moscow, Balashikha, St. Petersburg, Ufa, Kazan, Vladivostok…but in big cities, old people were spared, forced to assign these damned apartments to new owners and then evicted to live in some abandoned villages. In small towns, old people were simply mowed down.”

Khairullin’s investigation uncovered collusion between the town’s bureaucracy, the local police and the local mafia. “In a very short period of time (just a couple of years) that has passed since Yeltsin’s sovereignty was established in this classic Stalinist industrial town, 136 lonely pensioners had gone missing, and their apartments had changed ownership.” 

The local police had a list of pensioners and their apartments. This list was turned over to the mafia, who simply took the pensioner out to the edge of town and murdered him or her. “The person disappears,” Khairullin noted, “after that they immediately clean the apartment up, and the next day they move in, the body of the person has not yet cooled down, but they are already in charge.”

Khairullin had to flee the Ural town in the trunk of a car to avoid being killed himself by the local mafia, who took umbrage at his investigation after being tipped off by the local police. 

Khairullin condemns Yeltsin “for the death of these hundreds of thousands of old people abandoned to the mercy of fate,” and believes that the current Russian-Ukraine conflict is being fought in part “simply to make sure that our lonely old people would no longer be killed in the thousands for the sake of their miserable apartments.”

Dec. 9, 1993: Yeltsin, second from right, in Brussels to visit NATO Secretary General Manfred, on right. (NATO)

Khairullin tells of other experiences gained traveling “around the once great country where Democracy and Yeltsin had won.” One in particular hits hard. “I was a very callous person then,” Khairullin writes. “I almost never cried.”

And then he met Kuzmich, Aksa, and Sima.

Kuzmich was the local senior police officer of “some kind of God forgotten town, an eternal ‘polustanok’ [waypoint] on one of the endless outskirts of Russia.” He took Khairullin on a tour of the local train yard. 

“And suddenly,” Khairullin writes, “Kuzmich rushed somewhere to the side, between the carriages, we caught up with him only when he was already dragging a kicking lump out of some hole. ‘Don’t you scratch, little devil, you know I won’t do anything…’ Kuzmich groaned, bringing out a grimy kid at most 8-10 years old into the light of the moon.”

This was Aksa. 

Kuzmich took Aksa and Khairullin to the basement of the police building, where he sat the boy down at a table and fed him a sandwich. 

“’Wait, that’s not all…’, Kuzmich said. “The door suddenly opened slightly and a girl of about six slipped through the crack and sat down next to Aska and took his hand. ‘Here, meet Sima,’ Kuzmich grinned: ‘I have about thirty of them running around the station here, but these ones are in love … Real love, they hold on to each other — she works in the carriages with shift workers, and this one guards her…Yes Seraphim? How much did you do today? Come on eat…’. Sima just bowed her head and began to smile at the floor quietly…Even then I noted what a nice, childlike smile she had.”

Khairullin and Kuzmich smoked cigarettes while Aksa and Sima ate and drank tea, before falling asleep in their chairs. 

“That’s how it is here, correspondent,” Kuzmich said. “The nearest orphanage is half a thousand miles away … Yes, they escape from there…Where to place them…No one cares about them.” Khairullin writes:

“As far as I remember, starting from year 1997, the U.N. annually issued a special report on torture in the police (‘militia’ at the time) — this, of course, was an unfriendly move by the United States, nevertheless, it spoke about the state of the law enforcement system in the country. At the same time more than a thousand people annually died from the bullets of murderers on the streets of the capital city of my tortured country.

And in the very year when Putin became prime minister [1999], another terrible study was released which stated that every third girl in Russia under the age of 18 had the experience of ‘commercial sex.’ This is how Western researchers found a tolerant term to label prostitution in our country.

And there also used to be a slave market in Russia (about 15 thousand Russians were sold annually without their consent) and a special market for sexual slavery — according to various estimates, up to half a million of our girls were held ‘against their will’ in foreign brothels…”

Nineties Mortality Rates

1992 flea market in Rostov-on-Don in southern Russia. (Brian Kelley, CC BY-SA 2.0, Wikimedia Commons)

According to Western researchers, “an extra 2.5-3 million Russian adults died in middle age in the period 1992-2001 than would have been expected based on 1991 mortality.” 

This figure does not include infant mortality rates, the fate of missing children like Aksa and Sima, or the murdered pensioners. Altogether,  it is believed at least 5 million Russians died as a direct result of the chaos that gripped Russia in the 1990’s — a chaos that Michael McFaul derides as “mythology.”

The 1990s is a reality that Khairullin Khairullin and the people of Russia will never forget, regardless of how people like McFaul, Applebaum, Kendall-Taylor and  Hill try to rewrite history. 

Moreover, the linkage between the 1990s and the present in the minds of the Russian people is visceral — they support Russia’s conflict with Ukraine and the collective West not because they have been misled by Putin, but rather because they know their own history — much better than western pundits such as McFaul and company. 

1998: Russians protest the economic depression caused by market reforms with banner saying: “Jail the redhead!” referring to Anatoly Chubais, the Russian economist who oversaw Yeltsin-era  privatizations. (Pereslavl Week, Yu. N. Chastov, Wikimedia Commons, CC-BY-SA 3.0)

These pundits, whom I have classified as “Putin whisperers,” have had a hugely detrimental impact on fact-based discourse about Russia today. 

“Rather than dealing with the reality of a Russian nation seeking its rightful place at the table of a multi-polar world,” I’ve previously noted, “the ‘Putin whisperers’ created a domestic market for their personification of all things Russian into the form of a single man” — Vladimir Putin. 

“Russia stopped being a national security problem to be managed through effective diplomacy, but rather a domestic political issue which American politicians from both sides of the aisle used to scare the American people into supporting their respective visions of the world.” 

What Putin Told David Frost

Gennady Zyuganov in February 2019, during Putin’s presidential address to the Federal Assembly. (Duma.gov.ru, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 4.0)

On March 5, 2000, shortly before Putin was inaugurated following his victory over Gennady Zyuganov, leader of the Russian Communist Party, in the first presidential election following Boris Yeltsin’s resignation, the famous (and now departed) BBC journalist David Frost sat down for an interview with the Russian president-elect. The transcript of this interview is essential reading for anyone who seeks to “speak Putin.”

“My position,” Putin told Frost, 

“is that our country should be a strong, powerful state, a capable and effective state, in which both its citizens and all those who want to cooperate with Russia could feel comfortable and protected, could always feel in their own shoes — if you allow the expression — psychologically and morally, and well off. 

But this has nothing to do with aggression. If we again and again go back to the terminology of the Cold War we are never going to discard attitudes and problems that humanity had to grapple with a mere 15–20 years ago. 

We in Russia have to a large extent rid ourselves of what is related to the Cold War. Regrettably, it appears that our partners in the West are all too often still in the grip of old notions and tend to picture Russia as a potential aggressor. That is a completely wrong conception of our country. It gets in the way of developing normal relations in Europe and in the world.”

Compare and contrast the tone and construct of Putin’s response to Frost with comments made recently in an interview with the Russian journalist Pavel Zarubin, who asked the Russian leader if he would “have been called a naive person in the 2000s?”

Putin answered:

“I had a naive idea that the whole world — and above all, the so-called ‘civilized’ one understands what happened to Russia [after the collapse of the Soviet Union], that it has become a completely different country, that there is no longer any ideological confrontation, which means there is no basis for confrontation.” 

“If,” Putin continued,

“something negative happens in the policies of Western countries towards Russia — in particular, support for separatism and terrorism on Russian territory was obvious, I, as director of the FSB, saw this, but in my naivety, I believed that this was simply the inertia of thinking and action. This was a naive view of reality.”


In his discussion with Frost, when the BBC interviewer asked if he viewed NATO as an enemy, Putin answered:

“Russia is part of the European culture. And I cannot imagine my own country in isolation from Europe and what we often call the civilized world. So it is hard for me to visualize NATO as an enemy. I think even posing the question this way will not do any good to Russia or the world. The very question is capable of causing damage. Russia strives for equitable and candid relations with its partners.”

The BBC’s David Frost interviewing Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin on March 5, 2000. (Kremlin.ru, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 4.0)

‘Now We’ll Ruin Russia Too’

In his answer to Zarubin, one can detect the disappointment in Putin’s words once the depth of betrayal by his erstwhile “partners” in the West had become clear.

“But the reality is,” Putin said, that “later I became absolutely one hundred percent convinced” that his Western “partners,” following the collapse of the Soviet Union, “thought that we [NATO] needed to be patient a little, ‘now we’ll ruin Russia too.’”  Putin said:

“Such a large country by European standards, with the largest territory in the world and a fairly large population compared to other European countries, is generally not needed. It is better — as the famous U.S.  politician Brzezinski proposed — to divide it into five parts, and these parts are separately subordinated to oneself and use resources, but based on the fact that everything separately will not have independent weight, independent voice, and will not have the opportunity to defend their national interests the way a united Russian state does. Only later did this realization come to me. And the initial approach was quite naive.” 

Putin said Russia’s 

“main concern is our own country, its place in the world today and tomorrow. When we are confronted with attempts to exclude us from the process of decision-making, this naturally causes concern and irritation on our part. But that does not mean we are going to shut ourselves off from the rest of the world. Isolationism is not an option. Victory is only possible when every citizen of this country feels that the values we promote yield positive changes in their day-to-day lives. That they’re beginning to live better, eat better, feel safer and so on. 

But in this sense one can say we are still very far from our goal. I think we are still at the start of that road. But I have no doubt that the road we have chosen is the right one. And our goal is to follow this road, and to make sure our policies are absolutely open and clear for the majority of the Russian people.” 

The fact that the layperson would be unable, in isolation, to readily identify Putin’s statement as part of his answer to Frost or Zarubin underscores the consistency of Putin’s position vis-à-vis Russia’s relations with the West over the course of the past 23-plus years. 

It also upends the narrative that Putin has somehow transitioned from one type of leader when he first entered office, to another, more autocratic and isolated leader today. The above quote was from the Frost interview, but it could have been made today, or at any time during Putin’s more than two decades at the helm of the Russian Federation.

Words have meaning. Take, for instance, Putin’s use of the term “Special Military Operation.” It signifies something other than an invasion. Military operations do not rise to the level of full-scale war. 

Putin has always sought negotiations with Ukraine — the proof of the pudding, they say, is in the eating: Up until the end of 2021, Putin promoted the Minsk Accords as the preferred mechanism for conflict resolution regarding Ukraine. 

Once it became clear that neither Ukraine, France nor Germany (the three signatories to the Minsk Accords) was serious about their implementation, Russia next sought to negotiate directly with the United States and NATO, promulgating two draft treaties which were turned over to Russia’s Western partners for their evaluation and consideration in December 2021. 

Dec. 7, 2021: U.S. President Joe Biden, on screen during video call with Putin. (Kremlin.ru, CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia Commons)

Both the U.S. and NATO gave short shrift to Russia’s proposals, leading to the decision to initiate the “Special Military Operation” on Feb. 24, 2023. Here is where the importance of words comes into play — rather than seeking the strategic defeat and destruction of Ukraine, which one would normally expect from a military operation of the scope and scale of the one undertaken on Feb. 24. 

Whisperers’ Malign Influence 

Russia — according to Davyd Arakhamiia, leader of the Servant of the People faction (Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky’s party), who led the Ukrainian delegation during peace talks with the Russians in Belarus and Turkey in March 2022, was willing to exchange peace with Ukraine in exchange for Ukraine refusing to join NATO. Ultimately Ukraine, under pressure from then British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, rejected the Russian offer.

The collective West, not fully comprehending the limitations built into the term “Special Military Operation,”perceived weakness from Russia’s willingness to negotiate. The main reason for this lack of comprehension was the influence that the “Putin Whisperer’s” had on those who wrote the lexicon used to define and decipher Russia’s goals and objectives regarding NATO and Ukraine.

Had they “spoken Putin” (as any genuine expert could, and would), there is a good chance the collective West could have avoided the military embarrassment, economic consequences and geopolitical isolation that has taken place in the months since Ukraine walked away from the peace table.

Because of their grossly inaccurate assessments of Putin and Russia, Hill, Kendall-Taylor, Applebaum, McFaul, and a host of other “Putin Whisperer’s” have the blood of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians on their collective hands. 

Their crime was not just that they did not know how to “speak Putin,” but rather that they deliberately refused to try, instead choosing a path of deliberate obfuscation and deceit when it came to defining Russia and its leader for the western audience.

When advising on issues of national security involving Russia, the failure to “speak Putin” on the part of anyone charged with influencing and/or making Russia policy, borders on the point of criminal negligence.

And if your job is to provide assessments on Russia of a more commercial nature, the failure to “speak Putin” means not only that you’re not very good at your job, but also that perhaps it is time to begin considering finding another career. 

Scott Ritter is a former U.S. Marine Corps intelligence officer who served in the former Soviet Union implementing arms control treaties, in the Persian Gulf during Operation Desert Storm and in Iraq overseeing the disarmament of WMD. His most recent book is Disarmament in the Time of Perestroika, published by Clarity Press.

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