"Ukrainian Nationalism: Russian Special Operation— Denazification of Ukraine" by Vladimir G Kiknadze

 

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Source: The Postil Magazine

Azov Battalion, March 11, 2022.

Ukrainian Nationalism: Russian Special Operation— Denazification of Ukraine

August 1, 2023 Vladimir G. Kiknadze

Abstract:

This paper presents the results of the analysis of relevant aspects of the history of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) in comparison with the policy of the Kiev regime in 2014-2022, using the secrets revealed with the beginning of demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine during the special military operation of the Armed Forces of Russia. These revelations have increased the amount of evidence that the destruction of Russia is the invariable strategic goal of radical Ukrainian nationalism—Ukronazism—throughout its history and in our times, along with the continuity of goals, ideological positions, anti-people policy and crimes of the Banderites and their modern followers. Attention is drawn to the fact that the OUN actively participated in Hitler’s atrocities against Russia and its people. Their leaders and many other Ukronazis were agents and executors of the will of Hitler’s special services, after the victory over fascism, and of special services of the USA and the West. Maidan usurpers of power under the control and with the participation of the United States and their NATO satellites robbed and destroyed Ukraine, turned it into an anti-Russian bridgehead of the United States and NATO and together with them crossed the red line in creating a military threat to the Russian Federation and preparing aggression against it. Russia has therefore taken measures adequate to this threat to protect its national security, to save the people of the Donbass from genocide and to free the fraternal people of Ukraine from neo-Nazism. The most significant common features of radical Ukrainian nationalism in the 1920s-1940s and 2014-2022 are identified. The main elements of the Russian leadership’s decisions to recognize the Lugansk People’s Republic, Donetsk People’s Republic and to conduct a special military operation in Ukraine are summarized. The necessity of the denazification of Ukraine, including the holding of an international military tribunal, is confirmed by numerous facts and the results of preliminary investigations, which have established the involvement of more than 220 persons in crimes against peace and security of humanity.

Introduction: Decision to Conduct a Special Operation. Its Goal and Objectives

On February 24, 2022, a special military operation of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation in Ukraine (special operation) was launched to prevent further civilian casualties and a humanitarian catastrophe in the Donbass, to denazify and demilitarize Ukraine, to prevent Ukraine from becoming a nuclear power and, as a consequence, to protect the state interests and sovereignty of the Russian Federation.

The decision to carry out the special operation was preceded by the Resolution of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation No. 743-8 GD, unanimously adopted by the deputies of the State Duma on February 15, 2022.

The decision to conduct a special operation was preceded by the Resolution, unanimously adopted by the deputies of the State Duma on February 15, 2022, of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, No. 743-8 GD: ” “On the appeal of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation to the President of the Russian Federation, V.V. Putin, on the need to recognize the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic. The appeal noted:

Residents of Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine at the all-Ukrainian referendum on March 27, 1994 agreed to the federal-territorial structure of Ukraine and the consolidation of the Russian language as the state language of Ukraine, along with the Ukrainian language, and also supported the use of the Russian language in the territories of Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine, in the sphere of labor relations, office work, documentation, education, and scientific activities.

The new authorities of Ukraine, glorifying the fascists Bandera, Shukhevych and their followers, became intolerant of the historically established norms of life, as well as the will and religion of the inhabitants of these regions. The actions of the Ukrainian authorities forced residents of certain areas of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine to initiate a referendum and vote, in May 2014, for the adoption of the Act of Self-Determination of the Donetsk People’s Republic (89%) and the Act of Self-Determination of the Luhansk People’s Republic (96%).

For eight years, residents of certain areas of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine lived under shelling of small- and large-caliber weapons. According to the United Nations, more than 10,000 people have died, more than 50,000 have been injured, more than 1.4 million people are internally displaced within Ukraine, and more than 2.5 million people have arrived en masse in the Russian Federation, seeking emergency asylum. The Ukrainian authorities had stopped paying pensions and social benefits to residents and had established a complete economic blockade of the population and enterprises of certain regions of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine. The actions of the Ukrainian authorities can be regarded as the genocide of their own people.

As it became known from the originals of secret cipher telegrams captured by Russian military personnel during the special operation, on January 22, 2022, the commander of the National Guard of Ukraine, Colonel-General Mykola Balan, ordered the heads of the northern Kiev, southern Odessa and western territorial departments of the National Guard of Ukraine to prepare one of the strike groups for offensive operations in the zone of the “Joint Forces Operation” (JFO) in the Donbass. All activities of combat coordination of the nationalists were ordered to be completed on February 28, 2022, in order to continue to carry out combat missions as part of the Ukrainian “Joint Forces Operation” in the Donbass.

By February 2022, Ukrainian forces multiplied the shelling of the Donbass with prohibited large-caliber artillery weapons. Against the background of false statements about the desire for peace, Kyiv had begun large-scale artillery preparations for an offensive by a strike group of troops pulled into eastern Ukraine, with the support of aviation and missile systems.

On February 21, the leaders of the self-proclaimed Donetsk People’s Republic (DPR) and the Lugansk People’s Republic (LPR) Denis Pushilin and Leonid Pasechnik addressed the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin with a request to recognize the republics:

• Denis Pushilin, head of the DPR: “On behalf of the entire people of the DPR, we ask you to recognize the Donetsk People’s Republic as an independent, democratic, legal, social state. We also ask you to consider the possibility of concluding an agreement on friendship and cooperation between the DPR and the Russian Federation, providing for cooperation in the field of defense;”
• Leonid Pasechnik, head of the LPR: “Dear Vladimir Vladimirovich, in order to prevent the mass death of the civilian population of the republic, 300 thousand of whom are citizens of Russia, I ask you to recognize the sovereignty and independence of the Lugansk People’s Republic.”

On the same day, an unscheduled meeting of the Security Council of the Russian Federation was held in the Kremlin, under the leadership of the head of state, to discuss the appeal and the situation that had developed in the Donbass. Each gave his proposals to the President regarding the appeals of the leaders of the DPR and LPR to Russia, with a request to recognizing their sovereignty, and the resolution of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, calling on the head of state to recognize the independence and sovereignty of the DPR and LPR.

On February 21, the President of the Russian Federation signed Decrees No. 71 “On the Recognition of the Donetsk People’s Republic,” and No. 72 “On the Recognition of the Lugansk People’s Republic.”

On February 22, the State Duma adopted, the Federation Council approved, and the President of the Russian Federation signed and promulgated federal laws No. 15-FZ “On the ratification of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the Russian Federation and the Donetsk People’s Republic,” and No. 16-FZ “On the ratification of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the Russian Federation and the Lugansk People’s Republic.”

On the same day, the President of the Russian Federation submitted to the Federation Council a proposal to adopt a resolution of the Federation Council on consent to the use of the Armed Forces outside the territory of the Russian Federation. On February 22, the Federation Council adopted Decree of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation No. 35-SF “On the use of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation outside the territory of the Russian Federation.” The decision of the Federation Council was aimed at establishing peace, preventing the continuation of bloodshed and shelling of citizens.

All these acts were adopted in accordance with the Constitution of the Russian Federation, and in compliance with the necessary procedures provided for the activities of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

On February 23, the Heads of the DPR (Denis Pushilin) and LPR (Leonid Pasechnik) appealed to the President of the Russian Federation, with a request to provide assistance in repelling aggression from the Armed Forces of Ukraine (APU), in order to avoid civilian casualties and prevent a humanitarian catastrophe in the Donbass. The appeals emphasized the following:

… at present, due to the aggravation of the situation and threats from Kyiv, the citizens of the republics are forced to leave their homes, their evacuation to Russia continues. In the context of ongoing military aggression by the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the republics, the destruction of civilian and industrial infrastructure, schools, hospitals, kindergartens and, worst of all, the death of the civilian population, including children. The actions of the Kyiv regime testify to the unwillingness to stop the war in the Donbass;

Kyiv continues to build up its military presence on the line of contact, while receiving comprehensive support, including military support, from the United States and other Western states. The Kiev regime is focused on the forceful solution of the conflict.

Taking the above into account, the heads of the two republics, in connection with the current situation, as well as in order to prevent civilian casualties and a humanitarian catastrophe, on the basis of Articles 3 and 4 of the treaties of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance between the Russian Federation and the republics, asked the President of Russia to assist in repelling the aggression of the armed forces and formations of Ukraine.

On February 24, in accordance with the decision of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, V.V. Putin, the Russian Armed Forces launched a special military operation to protect the Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics.

The President announced his decision in an address to the citizens of Russia on February 24 at 06:00 Moscow time:

Circumstances require us to take decisive and immediate action. The people’s republics of Donbass turned to Russia with a request for help.

In this regard, in accordance with Article 51 of Part 7 of the UN Charter, with the sanction of the Federation Council of Russia, and in pursuance of the treaties of friendship and mutual assistance, ratified by the Federal Assembly on February 22 this year with the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic, I have decided to conduct a special military operation.

Its goal is to protect people who have been subjected to bullying and genocide by the Kyiv regime for eight years. And for this we will strive for the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, as well as bringing to justice those who have committed numerous murderous crimes against civilians, including citizens of the Russian Federation.

In doing so, our plans do not include the occupation of Ukrainian territories. We are not going to impose anything on anyone by force.

When making decisions, as reported by the Chief of the Main Operational Directorate of the General Staff of the Russian Federation Armed Forces, First Deputy Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation Armed Forces, Colonel General Sergey F. Rudskoy, two possible courses of action were considered. The first, to confine ourselves to the territory of the DPR and LPR within the administrative borders of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions, which is enshrined in the constitutions of the republics. The first was to limit the territory of only the DNR and LNR within the administrative borders of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, which is enshrined in the constitutions of the republics. But at that time there was a high probability that the Ukrainian authorities would constantly support the group involved in the so-called joint forces operation. Therefore, the second option was chosen, providing for actions on the entire territory of Ukraine, with the implementation of measures to demilitarize and denazify it.

Ukrainian Nationalism: Origins, Essence and Content

How did nationalism develop so radically in Ukraine that the Russian army has to solve the task of its denazification? What are the essence, content and origins of nationalism in modern Ukraine?

First of all, let us define the concept of “nationalism.” In the West, it is widely used in the same sense as patriotism. And in Russia these concepts have different content. The patriotism of the multinational Russian people is traditionally combined with respect for the interests, culture and patriotic feelings of the peoples of other countries, and nationalism, especially in extreme, radical forms—chauvinism, fascism, Nazism is condemned as an ideology that opposes peoples and states to each other, sowing enmity and serving an aggressive policy. These features are inherent in radical Ukrainian nationalism. Under the slogans of self-determination and independence, Ukrainian radical nationalists, Ukronazis, throughout the history of their movement have pursued the goal of selling their native Ukraine to foreign colonizers in order to become a privileged collaborationist caste of overseers over their compatriots.

In the early 1930s, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) declared the goal of creating its own “self-styled” state. But realizing that these aspirations were impossible and unattainable, it limited its dreams to being the Ukrainian colony of Germany in the hope of serving the role of henchmen of future colonizers. For the sake of this the OUN fought against full-fledged Ukrainian statehood and for its replacement by the false tinsel of a puppet, self-styled “independence”—and against the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, a full-fledged Ukrainian state, equal among equals with the Soviet federation, and one of the founders of the USSR and the United Nations. And the OUN’s descendants sold for foreign money and cookies the independence of their native Ukraine, obtained with the help of Russia in 1991, together with the huge territories given to it by Russia during the time when both of them were in the United Federation. And the US with its NATO satellites bought Ukraine—along with the sellers—in order to fight against Russia and destroy it.

The roots of terror and genocide in Ukraine in the 21st century are in the ideology and bloody experience of Ukrainian nationalism. In 1900, the “ideologist of Ukrainian sovereign independence” Mykola I. Mikhnovsky, called “the forerunner of strong-willed Ukrainian nationalism,” in a speech, later published in Lvov as a program of the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP), in the pamphlet Independent Ukraine, proclaimed ultra-radical racist slogans:

• One, the only, indivisible, free, independent Ukraine from the Carpathians to the Caucasus.
• Everyone who is not for us throughout Ukraine is against us. Ukraine is for Ukrainians, and as long as at least one foreign enemy remains on our territory, we have no right to lay down our arms” [M. Míkhnovsʹkiy, Samostíyna Ukraí̈na. B/m, 2012. (in Ukrainian). p. 17, 18].

The most amazing maxim of this opus is the assertion that “God himself has become a stranger and does not know (in the original “is not able,” apparently, in the meaning “does not know how”—V.K.) the Ukrainian language.

Having created the Ukrainian People’s Party (UNP), even more radical than the RUP, Mikhnovsky published its “code”—”The Ten Commandments of the UNP.” Some of these later became the basis of the ideology of OUN Ukronazism:

• One, united, indivisible from the Carpathians right up to the Caucasus, independent, free, democratic Ukraine;
• All people are your brothers, but Muscovites, Poles, Hungarians, Romanians and Jews are the enemies of our people;
• Ukraine is for Ukrainians. So, drive out the foreign oppressors from everywhere in Ukraine;”
• Everywhere and always use the Ukrainian language. Let neither your wife nor your children defile your house with the language of foreign oppressors;
• Do not take a wife from strangers, because your children will be your enemies. Do not be friends with the enemies of our people, because you give them strength and courage. Do not act (in the original Ukrainian—“do not mess around”—V.K.) together with our oppressors, for you will be a traitor.

Mikhnovsky’s RUP program was published in Lvov. There, as early as 1897, he established close contacts with pro-Ukrainian figures in Galicia. In Galicia, which was part of Austria-Hungary, the anti-Russian, Russophobic orientation of Ukrainian nationalism was formed. From there, the doctrine of aggressive Galician Ukrainianism began to be planted in Malorossiya, even before the emergence of Italian fascism and German Nazism, in their misanthropic, racist spirit, incited hatred. In 1912, the Ukrainian-language magazine Ukrainska Khata (Ukrainian House), published in Kiev, urged:

If you love Ukraine, you must sacrifice your love for other geographical areas. If you love your language, hate the language of your enemy… Know how to hate. If we are talking about Ukraine, we should operate with one word—hatred of its enemies… Revival of Ukraine is synonymous with hatred of your wife—a Muscovite, to one’s children—Katsaps, to one’s brothers and sisters—Katsaps, to one’s father and mother—Katsaps. To love Ukraine means to sacrifice your Katsap kin… If you love Ukraine, if you want it to be—be with it, do not be with its denial” [Ukraí̈nsʹka khata, 1912, No. 6 (in Ukrainian)].

The predecessor of the OUN, the Ukrainian Military (Army) Organization (UVO), founded in 1920 and headed by Yevhen M. Konovalets, responded to the Polish oppression of the indigenous population of Galicia with terror. The most notorious action was the unsuccessful assassination attempt of the chief of the Polish state Józef Pilsudski, on September 25, 1921 (V. Kruzhkov, “Ukrainskiy natsionalizm v Rossiyskoy imperii i na yeyo oblomkakh,”—”Ukrainian nationalism in the Russian Empire and its ruin,” in Mezhdunarodnaya zhizn’ (9)2021).

Soon Konovalets established cooperation with the German intelligence, and the UVO began to receive money from the Germans for espionage against Poland. The headquarters of the UVO was located in Berlin. With the help of German money, the UVO unleashed terror and sabotage in Poland (explosions, attacks, robberies-expropriations, etc.) [Ukrainskiye natsionalisticheskiye organizatsii v gody Vtoroy mirovoy voyny. Dokumenty—Ukrainian nationalist organizations during the Second World War. V 2 (T. 1. M.: ROSSPEN, 2012), pp. 335, 776; 5].

According to one researcher, “The UVO, in which the OUN originated, was a criminal organization. In the criminal sense, this criminality consisted in terrorist murders. Politically, the crime of the UVO, and later of the OUN, was the usurpation of the representation of the entire Ukrainian people. Neither the UVO nor the OUN received such a mandate from the people… never in their activities received the support of the Ukrainian people” (OUN-UPA: mif i real’nost‘: “Ukrainstvo”—OUN-UPA: Myth and Reality: “Ukrainianness.” Chap. XVII., pp. 142, 143, 143, 143, and V.V. Polishchuk, Gor’kaya pravda. Prestupnost’ OUN-UPA—Bitter Truth. Crimes of the OUN-UPA (Kiev, 2011), pp. 142, 143).

With the establishment of the UVO in 1929, its intelligence service played the dual role of its intelligence and counterintelligence (I.K. Patrylyak, “Sluzhba bezpeky OUN(b),” Entsyklopediya istoriyi Ukrayiny—Security Service of the OUNb. Encyclopedia of the History of Ukraine. Vol. 9. Kiev: Naukova Dumka, 2012, pp. 658-660). Separate from the UVO, the OUN created a control and intelligence reference office in 1932. In Western Ukraine, there was an intelligence branch in the regional executio (Latin “executio”: execution, executive body of the regional wire—the OUN governing body), and intelligence and communications services in the districts (S. Hrab, Sluzhba bezpeky Orhanizatsiyi ukrayinsʹkykh natsionalistiv—Security Service of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. Voyenna Istoriya, 2008, No. 5).

Some Ukrainian authors directly link the explosive growth of terror of the UVO-OUN in the early 1930s—more than 60 attempts and murders, hundreds of acts of sabotage, and dozens of robberies (“expropriations”)—to the formation of nationalist security structures )D. Vyedyenyeyev, V. Yehorov, Mech i tryzub. Notatky do istoriyi Sluzhby bezpeky Orhanizatsiyi ukrayinsʹkykh natsionalistivyu CH.1. “Z arkhiviv VUCHK, HPU, NKVD, K·HB”—Sword and Trident. Notes on the history of the Security Service of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. “Part 1. From the archives of the Vuchk, GPU, NKVD, KGB.” 2(4) 2000, pp. 485–503).

According to the conclusion of one of the researchers, “the UVO, in which the OUN was born, was a criminal organization.” In the criminal sense, the crimes consisted of terrorist murders. Neither the UVO nor the OUN received such mandates from the people; never in their activities did they receive support from the Ukrainian people” [6, pp. 142, 143].

With the creation of the UVO intelligence agency in 1929, the OUN played the dual role of its intelligence and counter-intelligence [7, p. 658-660]. They created a separate control-reconnaissance service in the OUN in 1932. In Western Ukraine, the regional executive (from the Latin “executio”—“the executive organ of the regional branch”—the governing body of the Ukrainian government) had intelligence services, and in the districts—intelligence and communications services.

Some Ukrainian authors directly link the explosive growth of UVO-OUN terror in the early 1930s with the establishment of the security structure of nationalists—more than 60 attempts and murders, hundreds of acts of sabotage, dozens of robberies (“expropriations”).

In 1932, the Galician national clerical newspaper Tsel (The Goal) murderously proclaimed:

Ukrainian nationalism must be prepared for all methods of struggle… not excluding mass physical extermination (annihilation), even if only at the cost of sacrificing millions of human existences (essences, lives) [Tsel’, April 17, 1932, 11, p. 6; V.I. Maslovsky, Z kym i proty koho voyuvaly ukrayinsʹki natsionalisty v roky Druhoyi svitovoyi viyny—With whom and against whom Ukrainian nationalists fought during the Second World War (M.: Slavyanskyy Dyaloh)].

The OUN “Military Doctrine of the Ukrainian Nationalists” of 1938 demanded:

Against the hostile element it is necessary to issue such cruelty… so that the tenth generation would be afraid to look in the direction of Ukraine.
In the future Ukrainian state, there must be a pure national composition… Poles, Russians and Jews must be destroyed.(“Arkhivy OUN: ukrainskiye natsionalisty stavili tsel’yu vyseleniye i unichtozheniye vsekh polyakov—”OUN archives: Ukrainian nationalists aimed to evict and destroy all Poles.” TASS. 01.12.2016)

In the spring of 1941, Bandera and Co. with the briefing, “Struggle and Activities of the OUN During the War,” specified the tasks of genocide and terror: to destroy “hostile” national minorities—”Moskals,” Poles, Jews. They demanded: “Our power must be terrible for its opponents, terrorize foreign enemies and their traitors… The Ukrainian ruler of his own land must from every rank, at every step be promoted.”

The section, “Organization of the Security Service,” listed the enemies of the OUN to be destroyed: “Moskals,” Jews,”outsiders, mainly various Asians, with whom Moscow is colonizing Ukraine, Poles in the western Ukrainian lands”. The Security Service was given “executive power… to destroy elements hostile to Ukraine… as well as… to control social and political life in general” (“OUN v 1941 rotsi.” Dokumenty. V 2-kh ch. CH. 1. Kyiv: Instytut ictopiyi Ukrayiny NAN Ukrayiny—”OUN in 1941.” Documents, in 2 parts. Part 1. Kyiv: Institute of History of Ukraine of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, 2006, pp. 102, 103, 129, 159).

Roman Y. Shukhevych, the SS Hauptsturmführer, and leader of the UPA and the OUN “on Ukrainian lands,” who was elevated to “hero” of the Banderized Ukraine (“Yushchenko awarded the title of Hero of Ukraine to Shukhevich, one of the UPA leaders,” RIA Novosti. 14.10.2007), demanded: “Not to intimidate, but to physically destroy! There is no need to be afraid that people will curse us for our cruelty. Let half of the 40 million Ukrainian population remain—there is nothing terrible in this” (“Kakiye geroi—takaya i derzhava”—”What heroes-such a power,” in Odna Rodina, 04.01.2016).

Ideology of Nationalism in the Service of the Kiev Regime in Modern Ukraine

The anti-Russian hysteria in Ukraine, which began in the years of perestroika, based on Bandera templates, along with the glorification of the OUN-UPA butchers, became the ideological justification for turning the Ukrainian regime into a puppet and anti-Russian tool of the United States and the West. It has intensified since 2004, when one of the leaders of the first Maidan, head of the “Batkivshchyna” party, people’s deputy of Ukraine (this is the constitutional name for the deputies of its Verkhovna Rada, hereinafter, Nardep), future Prime Minister of Ukraine (in 2005 and 2007-2010), Yulia V. Tymoshenko, demanded that the Donbass be with barbed wire and napalm poured on it (A. Moskval, “‘Molyashchemusya’ Poroshenko o nachale voyny v Donbasse”—“’Praying’ Poroshenko about the beginning of the war in Donbass,” in Odna Rodina, 01.06.2018). Back in 2014, she stated: “…it is necessary… to kill these bloody Katsaps together with their leader… so that, damn it, there is not even a scorched field left of this Russia! …it is necessary to shoot them with atomic weapons.”

In December 2014, MPs Yuriy M. Bereza, Andriy M. Levus, and Igor V. Mosiychuk justified the terrorist attack in Grozny and called for similar crimes in Russia with the help of the media (“SK RF vozbudil delo protiv trokh deputatov Verkhovnoy rady za prizyv k terrorizmu”—”Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation opened a case against three deputies of the Verkhovna Rada for calling for terrorism,” in TASS, 12/06/2014). Ex-prime minister Iryna D. Faryon made criminal (according to the forensic conclusion) calls “to destroy Russia as a state and Russians as a group of people on the basis of nationality,” to carry out genocide (“SKR reshil nakazat’ eks-deputata Rady Farion za prizyvy ‘unichtozhat Rossiyu'”—”TFR decided to punish the ex-deputy of the Rada Faryon for calls to ‘destroy Russia,'” in NTV, 08.07.2015). Tyahnybok’s neo-Banderite Svoboda also called for it:

No matter how qualitatively the Russian-speaking amorphous biomass of living stomachs lives—they will not start singing on October 14 (the date of the alleged formation of the UPA, and since 2014 the holiday, “Day of Defenders and Protectors of Ukraine,” which legalized the substitution of the concepts of “heroism” and “betrayal,” the abuse of the memory of the fallen in battles with fascism and the victims of the Banderites: “Gossovet Respubliki Krym prinyal zayavleniye v svyazi s situatsiyey na Ukraine”—”The State Council of the Republic of Crimea adopted a statement in connection with the situation in Ukraine,” in Sayt Gossoveta Respubliki Krym, 22.10.2014—V.K.).” “Oh, there’s a red viburnum in the meadow…” (since 1914, the song of Ukrainian Sich Sagittarius, which is also sung by the UPA: —V.K.), will not pass in torch procession on January 1 (Bandera’s birthday—V.K.). This herd should be liquidated, somewhere around 5-6 million individuals… For 45-million of Ukraine, the disappearance of 6 million will be imperceptible” (“Iz FB Marii Zakharovoy”—”From FB Maria Zakharova,” in Antimaydan, 19.03.2022).

On Maidan 2014 and afterward, neo-Banderites shouted: “Knife the Moskals!” They called for them to be hanged and made their own meme: “Slit Russians!” This was shouted by two-legged predators, with SS symbols, accompanied by shouts of “Sieg Heil!” and raising of hands in the Nazi salute, by children zombified by them. Oleksandr Turchynov, “Bloody pastor,” ex-speaker of the Verkhovna Rada, by whose decree the acting president began the genocide of the people of the Donbass, proclaimed:

We are ready to destroy the Russians wherever we can. It is necessary to beat Russians not only in Ukraine, but also beyond its borders—on the territory of Russia (“Byvshiy spiker Rady Turchinov prizval k genotsidu russkikh—Former speaker of the Rada Turchinov called for the genocide of Russians,” in Komsomol’skaya Pravda, 01.03.2022).

This position of the Ukronazis was declared even during the special operation, on the Ukrainian Channel24, by its employee Fakhrudin M. Sharafmal (“Operatsiya po zakhvatu natsistskogo prestupnika Adolfa Eykhmana (1960)”—”The operation to capture the Nazi criminal Adolf Eichmann (1960),” in RIA Novosti. 11.05.2020). Eloquently and literally, he quoted the words of the Nazi criminal, one of the organizers and executors of Hitler’s holocaust policy:

Eichmann said… to destroy a nation, it is necessary to destroy first of all children, because by killing their parents—children will grow up and will definitely take revenge. If you kill the children, they will never grow up and the nation will disappear (“V Ukraine net natsizma”—”There is no Nazism in Ukraine,” Pikabu).

And Sharafmal continued, flouting the Geneva (and other) conventions, that

when I get a chance to kill Russians, I will… observe the Adolf Eichmann doctrine and make sure that neither you nor your children will ever live on this earth…. you must realize that this is about victory for the Ukrainian people, not peace. We need victory. If that requires slaughtering all of your families, I will be one of the first to do it… And I hope that there will never be another nation like Russia and the Russians on this earth…. If Ukrainians have the opportunity … to crush, slaughter, kill, strangle the Muskalnaya, I hope that everyone will contribute and ‘mop’ at least one Muskal.

Note: Sharafmal threatened to destroy not Russians, but the nation itself—a set of citizens of one state with a common self-consciousness (identity). All citizens of Russia of all nationalities. (In Ukrainian, “Russians,” the nationality and “Russians,” citizens of Russia of all nationalities are referred to by one word – “Russians”). And it is possible to fulfill this threat only by massacres all over Russia. In fact, he called for a total terrorist war in Ukraine and Russia, desired by the United States. But Sharafmal did not go to the front himself. He “fought” on the air.

These incitements were condemned by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (“V UVKPCH OON osudili prizyv ukrainskogo zhurnalista k genotsidu russkikh,”—”UN OHCHR condemned Ukrainian journalist’s call for genocide of Russians, in RIA Novosti, 03/17/2022). The Main Investigative Directorate of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation opened a criminal case against Sharafmal on the grounds of the crimes stipulated by para. “b” part 2 of article 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, “Incitement of hatred or enmity, as well as humiliation of human dignity,” subparagraphs “a,” “c,” part 2 of article 354.1 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, “Rehabilitation of Nazism.” Ukrainian judiciary is obligated to judge Sharafmal’s incitement under the Criminal Code of Ukraine—Article 2582, “Public calls to commit a terrorist act” (up to five years of imprisonment) and under Article 442 “Genocide,” which provides for up tofive years of imprisonment for public calls for it (Criminal Code of Ukraine, effective from 03/16/2022). But it did not. It seems that justice has disappeared in the Bandarized Ukraine. Acts recognized as crimes by international law, laws of different countries, including Ukraine, have become unpunished demonstrations of “national opinion” (conscience).

It is important to note one more circumstance. The main striking force and organizer of terror, the participation of the Banderites in the fascist genocide of our people was Bandera’s inquisition—the Security Service (SB) of the OUN and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) banned in Russia. (The Ukrainian Insurgent Army, banned in Russia, was an anti-Soviet armed group of Ukrainian nationalists that operated mainly in Western Ukraine, from December 1941 to July 1943—created by Taras-Bulba Borovets. In 1943, the OUNb gangs merged into the UPAb, the Borovets UPA ceased to exist, its members joined the OUNm and UPAb gangs. From 1944-1949, the UPA committed acts of terrorism, sabotage. It was completely liquidated in the early 1950s). The brutal traditions of Bandera’s executioners are continued by their modern-day descendants in Ukraine. Back in 2015, the then head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) Valentyn O. Nalyvaichenko stated that the SBU should be reformed on the model of the Banderite inquisition: “it is important to take as a basis the traditions and approaches to the work of the Security Service of OUN-UPA” (A. Sidorchik, “Inkvizitsiya Bandery. Kak ‘Sluzhba bezpeki’ sozdavala ‘Ukrainu dlya ukraintsev,'”—”Bandera’s Inquisition. How the ‘Security Service’ created ‘Ukraine for Ukrainians,'” in Argumenty i fakty, 02.04.2015).

Tyahnybok of the far-right nationalist party, Svoboda argued:

The Security Service of Ukraine remains the only carrier of the Ukrainian state idea in the 21st century, a kind of link between its past and future. And, accordingly, the leadership of the nationalist movement should be formed primarily from officers of the security services, because there is no other personnel reserve (I. Matveyev, “SSHA i YES rukami VO «Svoboda» gotovyatsya unichtozhat’ russkikh na Ukraine,”—”The US and the EU are preparing to destroy the Russians in Ukraine with the hands of the VO ‘Svoboda,'” in Voyennoye obozreniye, 26.02.2014).

According to the assessment of the Belarusian analyst, the Banderization regime, starting with President Viktor A. Yushchenko, turned the SBU into the “Service of Ukraine’s Banderization” (N. Malishevsky, “Sluzhba banderizatsii Ukrainy”—“The Banderization Service of Ukraine,” in RIA Novosti. 12/01/2014), and with its atrocities in the Donbass has likened the Ukrainian security forces to the OUN and UPA, which were recognized by the Court of Peoples—the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal—as accomplices to the crimes of Hitler’s Germany, which according to Article 6 of the Statute of the Tribunal are responsible for them (Statute of the International Military Tribunal for the trial and punishment of the main war criminals of the European Axis). As the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation pointed out on November 17, 2014, in its decision to declare the UPA and four other Ukrainian organizations extremist and ban their activities in Russia, the Nuremberg Tribunal recognized the OUN and UPA as collaborators. (From the decision of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, in case No. AKPI14-1292C of November 17, 2014: “…to recognize the Ukrainian organizations ‘Right Sector,’ ‘Ukrainian National Assembly – Ukrainian People’s Self-Defense’ (UNA-UNSO), ‘Ukrainian Insurgent Army’ (UPA), ‘Stepan Bandera’s Trident,’ and ‘Brotherhood’ as extremist and ban their activities on the territory of the Russian Federation.” See: Official website of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation).

Denazification of Ukraine

To compare the goals and deeds of Hitlerites and accomplices of their crimes—the OUN-UPA and usurpers of power of the Maidan-2014, organizers and participants in the genocide of the people of the Donbass, allow evidence collected by law enforcement and the civilian researchers (Obyknovennyy fashizm: voyennyye prestupleniya ukrainskikh silovikov (2014—2016)—Ordinary Fascism: War crimes of the Ukrainian security forces (2014-2016). Moscow: Kuchkovo Pole, 2016, p. 431), and the media. These are the documents from archives, investigations and courts.

A lawsuit on the facts of genocide of the population of the Donbass and other acts in Ukraine, based on copies of criminal case files handed over by the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation, has been considered by the European Court of Human Rights since July 2021.

“The nationalists who have seized power have unleashed a persecution, a real terror campaign against those who opposed their anti-constitutional actions… A wave of violence swept Ukrainian cities, including a series of high-profile and unpunished murders,” Russian President Vladimir V. Putin stated in an address on February 21, 2022. “One shudders at the memories of the terrible tragedy in Odessa, where peaceful protesters were brutally murdered, burned alive in the House of Trade Unions. The criminals who committed that atrocity have never been punished, and no one is even looking for them. But we know their names and we will do everything to punish them, find them and bring them to justice.”

By February 10, 2022, the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation initiated 467 criminal cases, on the grounds of numerous crimes of the Maidan usurpers of power and their friends against dissenters, on the grounds of genocide of the population of the Donbass, killings and torture of its inhabitants by the agencies of the SBU, the Interior Ministry, the Ukrainian army and nationalist battalions (the Natzbat), which were of a large-scale and systemic nature (Obyknovennyy fashizm. Ukrainskiye voyennyye prestupleniya i narusheniya prav chelovek. 2017-2020—Ordinary Fascism. Ukrainian war crimes and human rights violations. 2017-2020. Moscow: Mezhdunarodnyye otnosheniya, 2020, p. 452). Thus, in 2014, a criminal case was opened on suspicion of crimes of the then head of the SBU, V.A. Nalyvaichenko. In April 2022, another criminal case was opened against Nalyvaichenko for calling for violence against the Russian military. 103 perpetrators were prosecuted in absentia. Among them are the former head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, Arsen B. Avakov and the former governor of the Dnipropetrovsk region, Igor V. Kolomoisky. Former Deputy Interior Minister Anton Y. Gerashchenko, was sentenced to six years in prison in absentia. Criminal cases were investigated against ex-Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Oleksandr V. Turchinov, ex-ministers of defense Anatoliy S. Hrytsenko and Valeriy V. Heletey, and ex-Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Victor M. Muzhenko.

On March 18, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey V. Lavrov explained the meaning of Ukraine’s denazification. In his opinion, it implies the abolition of not only laws that encourage Nazi ideology and practices, but also laws that discriminate against the Russian-speaking population.

As the course of the special operation confirmed, the strongholds of the Kyiv regime are nationalist units, such as Azov, Aidar, Right Sector and others recognized in Russia as terrorist organizations. In Mariupol alone, they had more than 7,000 militants who “fought” under the cover of civilians, using them as human shields. The Azov militants drove women and children out of basements, threatening them with weapons and directing them towards the advancing DNR units in order to impede the advance of the People’s Militia. This has become a common practice for them.

Russian investigators found out that the Azov unit is made up of people of different ages, education levels and life experiences. But they are united in their unwavering determination to kill innocent people. This is the essence of Azov nationalists. To understand this, it is enough to give a few examples. In early March, in Mariupol, Azov member, Sergei Mikhailenko, and his colleague with the call sign “Drone” were near a residential building. A passenger car with “Children” written in large letters was moving in their direction. Despite this, they opened fire on the car, killing the four family members in it, including a three-year-old child. Another example. Alexei Mozgovoy and his brother Yuri took positions in a five-story building in Mariupol. There were 15 civilians in the basement, among them a man suffering from a serious illness. The nationalist brothers, threatening to kill, forbade civilians to leave the basement, even to bring medicine to the sick man. As a result, the man died. And when civilians, having seen what had happened, wanted to leave the place, the Mozgovs started shooting at them—four more people died. And, unfortunately, there are many such examples.

The testimonies of civilians who came out of the blockaded settlements and of captured Ukrainian servicemen show that the Ukrainian armed forces’ ability to resist is based on fear of reprisals from neo-Nazis. Their representatives are embedded in all troop units.

On 30 March, Russian Education Minister Sergey Kravtsov said that more than 50 experts, teachers and historians had analyzed textbooks and teaching aids used by teachers and children in Ukraine. It turned out that whole pages of history were rewritten in them. All this was financed by foreign countries.

“We could see that this is deliberate work, fabricating a system that distorts historical truth. This is not only aggression and readiness for a military operation against our country, but also the zombification of teachers, schoolchildren—and often violently—against Russia. We will never allow history, geography to be distorted, the facts of the Great Patriotic War, our friendship with Ukraine and other countries. Our country is always open, has always helped brotherly nations, including Ukraine,” emphasized Sergey Kravtsov.

“History textbooks emphasize military topics. The education minister drew attention to the fact that the authors of the manuals emphasized that “modern Ukraine needs a compact mobile army in the conditions of aggression by the Russian Federation… History textbooks name Bandera and Shukhevych as heroes, which are thus cultivated. The children’s nationalist organization “Plast” has been revived—Bandera and Shukhevych were its members. In it, Nazism is directly elevated to an absolute,” said Kravtsov.

After the investigation, the textbooks were handed over to the museum of the “Russia—My History” park, where a corresponding section of the “Liberation” display will be created. Everyone will be able to familiarize themselves with the facts of the distortion of history and geography in Ukrainian educational materials.

On April 2, the Investigative Committee of Russia, continuing to investigate crimes committed by the Ukrainian military and nationalists against the civilian population of the Lugansk and Donetsk People’s Republics, on the basis of the collected evidence, in addition to the earlier charges under Article 356 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (use of prohibited means and methods of warfare), brought charges in absentia against 22 high-ranking Ukrainian military officers for genocide of the civilian Russian-speaking population (Article 357 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation) of Donbas.

In violation of the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and other international legal instruments condemning genocide, Ukrainian military officers in leadership positions gave orders, and others followed them, to completely destroy a national group of Russian-speaking citizens living on the territory of the Lugansk and Donetsk People’s Republics.

For eight years, Ukrainian security forces have been shelling populated areas in the Donbass using Grad and Uragan multiple-launch rocket systems, cluster-headed unguided aerial missiles, Tochka-U tactical missiles and other types of heavy offensive weapons with indiscriminate effects. As a result, a large number of civilians were killed and injured and civilian infrastructure and life-supporting facilities were destroyed.

Among the Defendants

High-ranking Ukrainian military charged in absentia for genocide of the Russian-speaking population in the Donbass:

• Ukrainian Defense Minister, Valeriy Geletey (from July 2014 to October 2014);
• Ukrainian Defense Minister, Stepan Poltorak (from October 2014 to August 2019);
• First Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, Ivan Rusnak (since September 2014);
• Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, Oleksandr Dublyan (from October 2015 to December 2016);
• Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, Igor Pavlovsky (from 2015 to 2019);
• Deputy Minister of Defense of Ukraine, Oleg Shevchuk (from November 2016 to September 2019);
• Viktor Muzhenko, chief of the AFU General Staff (from July 2014 to May 2019);
• Commander of the 13th Army Corps of the AFU Ground Forces (subsequently First Deputy Chief of the AFU General Staff, 2019), Igor Kolesnik;
• Deputy Chief of General Staff of the AFU, Vladimir Khizhiy (2014);
• Deputy Chief of General Staff of the AFU, Sergey Bessarab (from 2015 to March 2020);
• Vasyl Burba, Head of the Main Intelligence Department of the AFU (from 2016 to 2020);
• Commander of the AFU Ground Forces, Sergey Popko (from 2014 to 2016);
• Commander of the Air Force of the AFU, Sergey Drozdov (from 2015 to 2021);
• Commander of the High Mobility Airborne Troops of the AFU, Mikhail Zabrodsky (from 2015 to 2019);
• Commander of the AFU Special Operations Forces, Igor Lunev (from 2016 to 2020);
• Commander of the AFU Naval Forces, Igor Voronchenko (from 2016 to 2020);
• Commander of the troops of the Operational Command “East” of the AFU Ground Forces, Sergey Naev (from 2018 to 2019);
• Deputy Commander of the troops of the Operational Command “West” of the AFU Ground Forces (since March 22, 2017—commander of the troops of the Operational Command “West” of the AFU Ground Forces), Oleksandr Pavlyuk;
• First Deputy Commander of the Operational Command “North” of the AFU Ground Forces, Andriy Grishchenko (2016);
• First Deputy Commander of the troops of the Operational Command “East” of the AFU Ground Forces, Oleksandr Krasnook (2017);
• First Deputy Commander of the AFU Ground Forces, Oleksandr Lokota (2016);
• Commander of the 30th separate mechanized brigade of the AFU, Ivan Garaz (2015).

In total, as of July 25, 2022, the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation had opened more than 1,300 criminal cases, in which more than 400 persons are being prosecuted. The preliminary investigation has already established the involvement of more than 220 persons, including representatives of the high command of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and commanders of military units that shelled civilians, in crimes against peace and security of humanity that have no statute of limitations. A total of 92 commanders and their subordinates have been charged. A total of 96 individuals, including 51 AFU commanders, are wanted.

On April 3, the chairman of the Investigative Committee of Russia, Alexander I. Bastrykin, supported the initiative of the LPR representatives on the need to hold a tribunal on the war crimes of the Ukrainian regime in Donbas, expressing readiness for its establishment. He noted that the Investigative Committee of Russia has been recording all unlawful actions of the AFU and other Ukrainian nationalist military formations against the peaceful population of the Donbass for eight years. Each fact is given a legal assessment. In future, the evidence gathered by the Russian investigation will be presented to the public, and those involved in committing these crimes will be brought to trial.

Numerous war crimes by Ukrainian nationalists have already been recognized at the international level. For example, on April 6, the American publication The New York Times confirmed the authenticity of a video showing Ukrainian nationalists shooting wounded Russian servicemen, and on April 7, at a press conference in Brussels, the NATO Secretary General called for an investigation into all reports of war crimes in Ukraine, but refused to comment on video footage of Ukrainian nationalists killing Russian prisoners of war—”because he knew nothing concrete about it.”

On June 1, 2022, the chairman of the Committee on Criminal and Administrative Legislation of the People’s Council of the DNR, Elena N. Shishkina, stated that the composition of judges at the international tribunal against Ukrainian militants may include representatives of European countries “who will respond and will not be afraid to openly oppose Nazism, which thrives on the territory of the state of Ukraine,” invitations to which have been sent. She also admitted that the first meeting of the interim “Mariupol tribunal,” whose charter is being drafted, might take place before the end of the summer.

At the same time, as Bastrykin noted on July 25, 2022, “given the position of the ‘collective West,’ which openly sponsors Ukrainian nationalism and supports the Kyiv regime,” the establishment of an international tribunal, under the auspices of the United Nations, “is extremely doubtful in the current perspective. It would be more appropriate to work on this issue with Russian partners in such organizations as the CIS, CSTO, BRICS and SCO. The establishment of the court and its statutes could be formalized by an agreement between Russia, member countries of these organizations and the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics. At the same time, it would also be advisable to involve other countries demonstrating an independent position on the Ukrainian issue, based on the norms of international law, in particular Syria, Iran and Bolivia. The establishment of an international judicial body would demonstrate to the entire international community the inevitability of punishment for crimes against the peace and security of mankind and the determination of Russia and our country’s true partners in eradicating Nazism, nationalism and xenophobia.”

However, the inevitability of the complete denazification of Ukraine and the holding of an international tribunal against the war criminals of the Kyiv regime does not stop the succession of their madness, which extends not only to the civilian population of the Donbass but also to civilians in Ukraine and Russia. Thus, on April 27, at around 11 p.m. Moscow time, the Ukrainian armed forces launched a massive missile strike with Tochka-U ballistic missiles and high-powered multiple-launch rocket systems against residential neighborhoods in the central part of the city of Kherson. The targets of the indiscriminate missile strike by the nationalists were residential neighborhoods near Ushakov Avenue, where kindergartens, schools and many social institutions are also located. Russian air defense units repelled the missile attack by Ukrainian troops on residential areas of Kherson. Twelve high-powered multiple rocket launchers and two Ukrainian Tochka-U ballistic missiles were shot down in the air above the city. Fragments of one of the downed Ukrainian Tochka-U missiles fell in Shevchenko Park. The indiscriminate missile strikes by the Kyiv nationalist regime against residential areas in Izium and Kherson constitute a war crime and a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.

Another example is the shelling, by units of the Ukrainian armed forces, of the liberated villages of Kiselevka and Shirokaya Balka in the Kherson region on May 1st. The Ukrainian nationalists were firing at purely civilian objects. A school and a kindergarten, in the village of Kiselevka, came under artillery fire. Also, artillery fire was purposefully directed at the cemetery located on the outskirts of Shirokaya Balka, where there were people at that moment. As a result of the shelling, civilians were injured and killed. The buildings of the school, kindergarten and private houses were seriously damaged. Because of the consequences of the shelling by the AFU, the residents of these settlements were partially deprived of electricity.

Since February 25, Ukrainian nationalists have been subjecting civilian infrastructure facilities on the territory of Russia—the Belgorod, Bryansk, Voronezh, Kursk and Rostov regions—to artillery and rocket fire and air strikes. On May 11th, such a criminal act ended in tragedy for the first time: one person was killed and six others injured when Ukrainian troops shelled the village of Solokhi in the Belgorod region of the Russian Federation. Subsequently, instances of death of the population of Russia, as a result of the use of firearms by Ukraine, have been recorded on numerous occasions.

On the territory of the LNR and DNR, nationalists destroyed and partially damaged more than 7,000 civilian infrastructure facilities, including residential houses, schools, kindergartens, and vehicles. During the entire period of investigation in the criminal case of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation by mid-July 2022, more than 216,000 people were questioned; more than 91,000 people were recognized as victims, including 14,072 minors.

It is likely that after the publication of this article, other crimes of the Kiev nationalist regime will be uncovered. The investigation and decisions of the courts and the International Tribunal on the genocide of Russian people during the Great Patriotic War and, in 2014-2022, of the population of Donbass, on terror, murders and pogroms in modern Ukraine will provide new arguments to expose Hitlerism, the OUN and their modern followers, and to carry out the denazification of Ukraine.

Conclusion

Banderites in the service of the Third Reich and their pro-American followers in modern Ukraine are united by a single ideology—radical Ukrainian nationalism, Ukronazism, and its anti-Russian orientation; as well as, immorality and inhumanity; venality and service to foreign suzerains for the sake of benefits, along with a cynical trade in the interests, fates and lives of compatriots, of Ukraine and its people; grave crimes against Ukraine, which have had a massive and systemic character, namely, terror and genocide—fascist terror with the participation of the Banderaites against the people of Russia and neo-Nazi terror against the population of Donbas, and terror against the inhabitants of Odessa (Odessa Khatyn), other towns and villages, in which the Ukronazis left a bloody trail.

After the Great Victory, Ukraine was cleansed of OUN gangs and the underground in a matter of years, because the effective struggle of law enforcers against Ukronazism was accompanied by widespread popular support. The betrayal of Soviet elites in the mid-1950s (the “Adenauer-Khrushchev Amnesty”) allowed former nationalist collaborators to return to Ukraine with a completely clean reputation, almost as heroes and even martyrs.

In 2022, Russia, by giving the lives of its loyal sons for the liberation of Ukraine from nationalism, by destroying and capturing neo-Nazis, by revealing the truth about their crimes and criminal plans, is creating the conditions for the final eradication of Nazism. On July 3, as a result of successful combat operations by the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, together with units of the People’s Militia of the LPR, the liberation of the Luhansk People’s Republic was completed. The military victory in the DNR and the international tribunal against the war criminals are approaching.

Both in the liberation of the Donbass and in the denazification of Ukraine, the timing and results of their completion, guarantees against recurrences of Ukronazism and the conditions for reliably ensuring the sovereignty and security of the country, the interests and rights of its population, and the sustainable development of the Ukrainian state and society largely depend on the active participation of the people of Ukraine, their awareness of the danger of radical ideologies and their open condemnation.

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Vladimir G. Kiknadze is a Russianhistorian, associate professor and a Colonel in the reserves. He is the author of over 200 published works. This article appears courtesy of Nauka, Obshchestvo, Oborona journal.