Monday, December 4, 2023

"Slave or Master of Technology: The Choice is Ours" by Bert Olivier


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Slave or Master of Technology: The Choice is Ours

Slave or Master of Technology: The Choice is Ours

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After writing the post on what Martin Heidegger can teach us about technology, I realised that some readers might come to the conclusion that everything about technology is ‘bad’ – after all, Heidegger’s conception does strike one as being a very pessimistic one. It should be said, however, that the German thinker did not advocate the destruction of all technical devices and a return to a pre-modern, agrarian way of life.

His advice was to practice an ambivalent approach to technology, a simultaneous ‘Yes’ and ‘No:’ Yes, insofar as one should feel free to use technical devices that simplify one’s life; No, insofar as one refuses technology as ‘Enframing’ to usurp the position of ordering and organising one’s life by subjugating everything else to its rule. Simply put – by all means use technical devices, but don’t allow technology to use you.

There is another way of ‘correcting’ the impression that technology is irredeemably ‘bad,’ which is to turn to one of Heidegger’s successors in the philosophy of technology (there are others, too, but it would take a book to elaborate on them all). I am thinking of the French poststructuralist thinker Bernard Stiegler, (who died prematurely not long ago) after an unbelievably productive intellectual-academic career (he wrote more than 30 important books).

It is worth reading this obituary by Stuart Jeffries, which provides an excellent overview of Stiegler’s life and intellectual-political activities. Rather than do the same sort of thing here, I shall concentrate on a specific aspect of Stiegler’s thinking about technology.

At the outset I should state that he believed that all technology alters human consciousness and behaviour, from the earliest stone age technology to the most sophisticated digital technology of the present age. Digital technology, in particular, he argued, had the potential of robbing humans of their own ability to think critically and creatively, but this should be seen in conjunction with his notion of technology as a pharmakon (simultaneously a poison and cure – a use of the ancient Greek term, as employed by Plato, that he borrowed from his teacher, Jacques Derrida). Ultimately it depends on how one uses technology, he argued (with echoes of Heidegger); one does not have to fall victim to its ‘poison’ character, but can instead elaborate on its ‘cure’ potential. 

To illustrate: Stiegler points out that the vast majority of people in our ‘hyper-consumerist, drive-based and addictogenic society’ don’t realise that the technical gadgets (like smartphones) they use to do a lot of their shopping serve the economic system which systematically deprives them of their knowledge (‘know-how’) and of their ability to live a creative life – what Stiegler calls “savoir-faire” and “savoir-vivre” (In For a New Critique of Political Economy, 2010, p. 30), respectively.

This has far-reaching psychopolitical import, as Stiegler (2010: pp. 28-36) has argued persuasively. In the process he foregrounds what he calls, following Karl Marx in the 19th century, the “proletarianization” of consumers today. What does he mean? 

By the ‘proletarianisation’ of workers, Marx meant that they were robbed of their ‘know-how’ (savoir-faire) by machines during the Industrial Revolution, and Stiegler’s point is that today this has been taken to another level, namely to where it manifests itself as the proletarianisation of all people who regularly use ‘smart’ devices. The latter absorb the knowledge and memory of their users, who increasingly rely on the ‘hypomnesic’ [that is, technically intensifying and reinforcing memory, as on a smartphone; B.O.] technical processes operating in machines and apparatuses of all kinds. 

Does this sound familiar? How many smartphone users still remember their own phone number, or those of their friends, and how many students today know from memory (their own) how to spell and do mental calculation? Relatively few, I would wager; the majority have ceded these intellectual functions to their electronic devices. Stiegler refers to this as a widespread process of ‘stupidification.’

The apparatuses referred to above by Stiegler include laptops, smartphones, electronic tablets, and desktop computers; that is, all the information-communicational devices one uses daily for work and leisure. But why does he claim that the use of such “hypomnesic” devices is of psychopolitical significance? 

In one of his most significant critical texts – States of Shock: Stupidity and Knowledge in the 21st Century, 2015, Stiegler elaborates on this. To be as clear as possible, the large-scale use of these digital instruments by consumers – encouraged because their use increases the buying power of the public – systematically replaces their own thinking and inventive capacities with pre-formatted ‘templates’ for living, coercing them subtly to adapt to what marketing comes up with.

Moreover, he points out, today, this happens with the help of the social and cognitive sciences. The most advanced aspect of this kind of proletarianisation is ‘neuromarketing,’ which aims to create a direct impact on consumers’ neural receptors via the senses, and as might be expected, the images that are inseparable from advertising are central to this project. 

Even fundamental theoretical knowledge is not spared, insofar as it is ‘decoupled’ from theoretical activity. What students are taught today, therefore, is increasingly devoid of theory – they would probably not understand how Newton arrived at his (at the time) revolutionary theories in macro-mechanics, let alone Einstein’s theory of special relativity. What is taught instead, Stiegler informs one, is purely procedural technological knowledge, even in the faculty of sciences – in other words, how to use a computer to implement theoretical knowledge (or theorems) where certain ‘problems’ have to be solved. 

‘Proletarianisation’ – being stripped of knowledge – is therefore not limited to machine workers and consumers, but includes intellectual, scientific work as well. This serves the psychopolitical goal, Stiegler reminds one of subverting the grounds of possible critique of the neoliberal system itself, in so doing reinforcing the latter by apparently ruling out any convincing alternatives. 

One of the most important battlegrounds where the fight for the minds of people in modern democracies is being waged, Stiegler warns us, is universities, but he believes these institutions are currently not capable of fulfilling their civic responsibilities. After all, universities are supposed to guide students to the highest level of learning through teaching that is constantly fed by sustained research, on the part of faculty members, concerning past and current cultural and scientific developments.

Importantly, this cannot happen unless universities’ teaching and research-programmes include persistent attempts to understand the effects of advanced information and communication technologies on the human psyche, and specifically the faculty of reason, and adapt their teaching accordingly. 

At present, however (this was around 2012-2015, when this text by Stiegler appeared, first in French and then in English), universities worldwide are in a deep malaise, and it would take a concerted effort to reclaim what Stiegler sees as the ‘rational sovereignty’ that the Enlightenment valorised, and which can still be regarded as a fundamental value for human beings who wish to be free from subjugation to technical imperatives. 

If there is a specific domain where the battle for rational sovereignty is being fought at universities – and it goes without saying that, since 2020, this has been exacerbated for reasons that Stiegler, who died before that time, could not have anticipated – it is that of ‘attention.’ It is for the attention of the smartphone-wielding youth that the mass media and other agencies promoting a culture of ‘bits and bytes,’ of fragmentary communication and senses-capturing commercials, have declared war on the remnants of an intellectual culture which is fighting to rescue the youth from ‘stupidification.’ Stiegler elaborates on what this entails (2015, p. 27): 

…it is indeed the goal of this capture of attention to channel the desire of individuals towards commodities.… 

 These social groups and their institutions are being short-circuited in terms of the forming and training of attention. This is particularly true for those tasks given to this function since the Aufklärung [Enlightenment]: to form that attentional form based specifically on the potential for reason…

What he has in mind becomes clearer where he writes (2015, p. 152):

Attention is always both psychic and collective: ‘to be attentive to’ means both ‘to focus on’ and ‘to attend to.’ As such, the formation by schools of attention also consists in educating and elevating pupils [élèves]; in the sense of making them civil, that is, able to consider others and capable of taking care – of oneself and of that which is in oneself, as of that which is not oneself and of that which is not in oneself

We live, however, in an age of what is now known, paradoxically, as the attention economy – paradoxically, because this is also and above all an age of the dissipation and destruction of attention: it is the epoch of an attention dis-economy.

To clarify, think of what happens to children from kindergarten classes through primary and middle schools to high schools and eventually colleges at universities – the learning material is presented to them by (qualified) teachers in such a manner as to ‘grab’ their attention, with a view to shaping and developing their latent cognitive abilities – which have already been developed in preparatory ways by their parents in their upbringing.

This reaches the highest level at university, where – from freshman through senior status to graduate school, the capacity for sustained attention is enhanced and further honed by what Stiegler calls ‘transindividuation.’ This is the process familiar to everyone who has gone through the arduous phases of working towards – and beyond – a doctoral degree. 

What it means is that, in familiarising oneself with the knowledge traditions archived through writing – and before electronic archiving, available in libraries – one is firstly engaged in individuation; that is, changing one’s psyche through transforming it cognitively. But eventually it becomes ‘transindividuation,’ when the student passes from an ‘I’ who is learning, to a ‘we’ who, first through studying, shares in the archived knowledge of disciplines and subsequently contributes to its expansion. 

Stiegler’s point is therefore that, unless conditions at universities can be restored, in the face of the digital onslaught, to make such a laborious process of transindividuation possible and sustainable once again, the spirit of enlightened (and enlightening) tertiary education might be lost. Importantly, in the citation, above, it will also be noted that, for Stiegler, this process is accompanied by students learning to care for themselves as well as for others – that is, by becoming civilised. 

In short, Stiegler is convinced that contemporary humanity is faced with the difficult task – considering what it is up against – of regaining the condition of ‘enlightenment’ that Western culture fought so hard to achieve in the first place. Our ability to think has to be armed anew, given that contemporary media, in conjunction with the use of what he calls ‘mnemotechnical’ devices such as smartphones, have been engaged in a persistent attempt to undermine this distinctive faculty.

Thorough knowledge and understanding of the individual and collective psychic consequences of using present digital technologies is only possible by (re-)activating our critical-reflective abilities for reclaiming our rational sovereignty. And this does not mean avoiding technical devices; on the contrary – it requires using technology for what Stiegler characterises as ‘critical intensification.’ What does that rather cryptic phrase mean? 

Stiegler is no technophobe, as may readily be gauged from his books and the various groups (such as Ars Industrialis) that he founded to steer technology in a different direction, away from the kind of hegemonic digital technology that discourages people to think, through what he called ‘psychopower,’ and encourages them to rely on technical devices instead. Hence, ‘critical intensification’ simply means engaging with technology as a means to enhance and promote critical thinking and action.

What I am doing now – using a laptop to write this essay, while intermittently using various hyperlinks to search for something on the internet, and then using the technical procedure to embed the relevant link in my text – amounts precisely to such ‘critical intensification.’ In other words, one is not allowing digital technology to impair your his critical, reflective thinking; instead you are using it to achieve your own critical goals.

The agencies promoting the hegemony of digital technology – which is also what makes AI possible today – would like nothing better than to neutralise your ability to think independently. This is even more true today than when Stiegler wrote these texts. Only if they succeed in doing this across the board, the would-be dictators may succeed in their nefarious quest, to turn humanity into an unthinking mass of idiots. But by using this technology anyway, for your own critical purposes – that is, for ‘critical intensification’ – you would be defusing their attempts at undermining human intelligence. Fortunately, indications are that there are still many people around who are capable of doing this.



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Author

  • Bert Olivier

    Bert Olivier works at the Department of Philosophy, University of the Free State. Bert does research in Psychoanalysis, poststructuralism, ecological philosophy and the philosophy of technology, Literature, cinema, architecture and Aesthetics. His current project is 'Understanding the subject in relation to the hegemony of neoliberalism.'

"The Economic Writing is On the Wall, and Professor Putin is Holding the Chalk" by Phil Butler

 


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Source: New Eastern Outlook

04.12.2023 Author: Phil Butler

The Economic Writing is On the Wall, and Professor Putin is Holding the Chalk

The Economic Writing is On the Wall, and Professor Putin is Holding the Chalk

In the wake of the most drastic sanctions ever placed on a nation, Russia’s economy is a modern miracle. However, in the Western press, Vladimir Putin’s administration is on borrowed time economically and in every other facet of progress. However, the reality is that Russia’s economy is growing three times faster than that of the Eurozone.

Ursula von der Leyen and her colleagues in the EU shot off both feet when the bloc followed Washington’s lead. This, and other boneheaded measures, reveal to all the world that European leadership are nothing more than modern satraps to the American empire. They may as well be viceroys or chieftains of the Achaemenid Empire, doing what they are told or else. But their loyalties and temperaments are not the story here; their malfeasance against the interests of their own people is.

According to some Western analysts, Russia’s gross domestic product (GDP) will grow by 1.5 percent in 2024. By comparison, expectations for the Eurozone economy’s growth next year are a mere 0.5 percent. This is by analysis from Russia’s enemy, if we can finally use this term. Like the previous year, these estimates do not match what’s happening in Russia. Recently, Vladimir Putin said that Russia’s economic growth was set to exceed 3% this year, slightly better than previous official forecasts. And there’s no reason to underestimate the “miracle” Putin’s administration has managed to pull out of the hat.

Looking at the EU’s most powerful economy, this miraculous Russian trend seems almost unbelievable. With economic activity in Germany expected to decline by 0.3% in 2023 and Luxembourg’s growth for 2023 coming in at half what it was in 2022, we see a grim picture for the people and businesses of the EU. To make this reality sting more for Ursula von der Leyen and her benefactors, most of the economic decline in the EU is because of the loss of Russia as a trade partner, investment source, and energy provider. Western experts predict that real GDP will grow by 2.4 percent (1.6% – according to OECD) in the United States in 2023 and then fall to 0.8 percent in 2024. For Americans, this means the people have not seen the worst of the disastrous Biden Administration’s executive idiocy yet.

As we know, Russia began its military campaign in Ukraine in February 2022 after Kyiv’s failure to implement the terms of the Minsk agreements, the clear buildup of a NATO contingent there, and the continual killing of Russian speakers in the breakaway Donetsk and Luhansk regions. America and the Europeans are practising a massively expensive proxy war on Russia, and none of the West’s economic shifts has stated the looming depression set to hit Western nations.

Meanwhile, Russian firms successfully reoriented most of the trade to the BRICS partners, Brazil, India, China and South Africa, as well as to Turkey and Kazakhstan. And since the last BRICS conference, dozens of nations have shown interest in joining this bloc. Relations between Russia, China, India, Iran, North Korea, and many Latin American and African nations reveal a multipolar world unfolding and one that encircles the United States. With all Washington’s talk of encircling and containing Russia and the other nations I mentioned, isn’t it a cruel irony that it is my country being reined in, ringed in, and potentially left out in the cold if something does not change? The Ukraine conflict is lost, and Russia more or less just sat still until Zelensky’s human and armaments resources dried up. Now Israel is in a conflict where things are going horribly for the Zionists. The Syrian regime change backfired. Egypt is now being leveraged more heavily from the East than from the West. Despite all the fancy footwork Biden’s team has done, Turkey is emerging as a major power. And the story goes on and on and on.

As an American, it’s sad to see what our leaders have done to my country. One look at once-thriving cities like Detroit, New Haven, Memphis, and Stockton, California, warns of the coming fall nationwide. And one bustling Camden, New Jersey, is a dystopian mess with almost half the population living in abject poverty. Such cities have the highest crime rates and are deemed almost unlivable by real estate forecasters. Meanwhile, Biden and his colleagues on The Hill funnel hundreds of billions for far-off proxy wars and to leverage third-order nations for their resources to feed our wealthy class.

Is Russia writing on the wall the fate of a dying Western hegemony? Some of us can hear Putin’s chalk screeching across the blackboard. Russia is conducting a class on “how to” succeed no matter what.

 

Phil Butler, is a policy investigator and analyst, a political scientist and expert on Eastern Europe, he’s an author of the recent bestseller “Putin’s Praetorians” and other books. He writes exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.

"Black Pattern Forming" by Alastair Crooke

 

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Source: Strategic Culture Foundation

Alastair Crooke
   December 4, 2023

Russia now has a ‘Europe problem’ of lingering, unrealistic ‘geo-political’ ambition, Alastair Crooke writes.

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A number of serious commentators – one being U.S. Professor Victor Hanson – are warning: “Brace yourself for what’s coming in 2024”. Hansen sees bad omens darkening the future.

Is he exaggerating? Perhaps not.

One cannot but notice how bad tempered Americans and Europeans generally have become. Calm, reasoned discussion of issues is gone; Yelling, emotivism and ‘othering’ is commonplace; something bad is coming. A gut feeling, Tucker Carlson says“There are “angry people who feel like they have no recourse, who don’t think elections are real…”.

What might these commentators be suggesting?

Well, they are explicit on one point: the West has been sinking beneath the waves of its’ Cultural Revolution – the deliberate cancelling of virtues and legacies of traditional civilization, to be replaced by a cultural hierarchy that upends and inverts the societal paradigm that is close to conquering all.

The unanswered question: Why has western society been so supine, so unreflectively supportive to the sheering away of its civilisational ethos? This must be the first revolution in which half of society knows and sees well there is a revolution, and the other half seem too distracted, or simply have not noticed. There is no simple answer to this conundrum.

But most just don’t see it; they cannot admit the Revolution’s objective (though it is not hidden) is that these well-to-do members of middle classes are precisely the ones (and not the elites) that the cultural revolution seeks to displace, and to sanction (as redress for historic discrimination and racism). Not for who they are now, but for what their ancestors may have been.

General Wrangel (a Tsarist officer and commander) wrote in his memoirs how, after serving during WW1, he came to St Petersburg just at the point that the Bolsheviks were wreaking havoc with the discipline of the Imperial Army’s (‘his army’). Chaos in the streets, but to the affluent of the City, life continued as if some ‘normal’ could be enjoyed, in comfortable co-existence to the revolution out on the streets. He describes attending a cinema, with the audience clearly oblivious to the anarchy beyond the theatre.

Flabbergasted, the general hastened from St Petersburg to warn the Tsar of approaching catastrophe. However, on arrival at the Court, Wrangel was shocked to see that 80% of the Romanov women, most of whom he knew, were wearing a red ribbon. Their ribbons testified to sympathy for the very forces who later would murder these Romanov women.

Today, our élites too, sport a ribbon – not red, but a Rainbow one.

None of these commentators forecast a Romanov outcome (yet). But they are warning that the civic landscape in America is shifting dramatically fast: One may wake up one morning to the gender horror being imposed on children; to their cultural class being eased out of their jobs; to the realisation that it is not ‘correct-think’ any longer to laugh at the absurdities of the nomenklatura.

And that dissent leads to persecution: If you join the ‘Party’, you’re exempt; if you’re don’t, you’re on your own.

A nascent counter-revolution however, is under way – in which a segment of the electorate is driving towards the re-installation of those civilisational and metaphysical principles which gave national sustenance over centuries. They are (rightly or wrongly) not prepared to recant those values, nor prepared to assume ‘guilt’ by submitting to the demands for reparation.

The point here is obvious: The scale, complexity (and viciousness) of the problem is growing. And with it, anger mounts.

‘Black patterns’ are forming. At one level, the U.S. President is senile, and the ‘permanent functionaries’ are terrified: “They thrust a stake through Trump’s heart, but they are afraid that stake could come out, any time”, Hanson writes. Should Trump win, then vendetta follows, and “their goose is cooked”.

The present Israeli-Palestine conflict is sending further ‘shivers’ up the ‘functionary spine’: Biden may prioritise his loyalty to Israel over Democrats winning the 2024 election. He is haemorrhaging domestic support.

Hanson argues that there is a perception among the Democrats that Trump is now the more formidable figure – he is more justified in his anger, due to injustices he has endured.

Election 2024 becomes a black void. Can a broken U.S. voting system be expected to resolve such deep bitterness. No one knows; many are afeared.

At another plane, the revolutionaries’ diversity and identity politics has resulted in the absolute prioritising of ideology over practical governance (or even common sense). This cultural transition has signally failed to improve life for the majority, but on the contrary has spawned system dysfunctionality. Nothing works properly anymore; entropy prevails.

Adjunct to the cultural aspect has been the revolutionary ‘transition’ from a real economy – the mainstay source of employment for ‘deplorables’ – to a new high tech, green, AI-economy, to provide for a diversity and social justice-based economic model. Meanwhile, deplorables are relegated to becoming economic outliers.

These cumulative transitions require mammoth money-printing. All was ‘well’ when the project could be financed at zero cost interest rates; but the scheme’s Achilles’ Heel is inflation, and spiking interest rates. And that precisely is what has arrived. The exponential western debt explosion to fund ‘transitions’ now threatens to take the entire ‘revolution’ into financial crisis and recession.

A crisis in formation – of spiking inflation and crashing living standards – is fermenting a dangerous brew of widespread disenchantment.

Into this simmering brew, the revolutionaries have further injected their ideological opposition to national borders, and the embrace of something like open-door immigration. The U.S. Border is kept open – 9 million immigrants have entered since Biden was in office, and 6 million more are anticipated to enter the U.S. between now and the 2024 election. The Mediterranean border is effectively open, too.

This influx of persons, some who are hostile to European culture and ‘white imperialism’ – at a time of severe economic crisis – represents a powder keg that is bound to explode at some point. What happened in Dublin (and Paris last summer) will keep happening, again and again. It will devastate EU and European political structures.

““Open borders”: nobody in their right mind would do that”, says Hanson. So then why then do it? What is the intent behind flooding a society with immigrants? In Germany, native-born Germans are now a minority amongst minorities. What exactly is the ‘end-game’ envisaged?

In posing the immigration ‘end-game’ question, many other issues – the pandemic; climate catastrophism (expatiated only by massive sacrifice of economic standards) – swing into question. Were they all just ‘stimmie’ money printing ploys of one sort and other to keep the transition liquified – or is there some darker end-game implicit?

The big question is how the global, multi-polarity bloc can manage a West edging towards moral, political and possibly financial collapse?

The post-war history is not encouraging. It is one of the West attempting to keep itself whole, through creating a Manichean enemy around which it can gather and unify.

The U.S. likely will continue to confront China – China presently is the ‘only topic in town’ in DC, and is prioritised for its centrifugal potential on a polarised polity. But will, or can, the U.S. follow through with its threats? Probably not.

The other discussion (confined largely to neo-con circles) is (still) ‘how to weaken Russia in the post-Ukraine reality?’ Russia has overwhelmingly won in Ukraine. The neo-cons likely will find only diminishing traction for a Ukraine-Part Two.

Trump, should he survive and take office, often ‘talks the neocon talk’, but acts to defuse tensions – reflecting the reality that the GOP is fractured: Institutionally neo-con at the ‘upper-level’, but increasingly populist at the grass roots.

Russia now has a ‘Europe problem’ of lingering, unrealistic ‘geo-political’ ambition. Other than war, the December 2021 draft treaties proposed by Russia offer the only peaceful means to finding a modus vivendi between the Heartland and the Rimland.

But will there be any adult in Washington to answer the phone when the time arrives?

Saturday, December 2, 2023

"Unable to Defeat Palestinian Resistance, Israeli Regime Intensifies Killing and Torturing Children" by Finian Cunningham

 

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Source: Strategic Culture Foundation

Finian Cunningham    
December 2, 2023

Locking children up and threatening their families with punishment if they show the slightest emotion is the dirtiest terror tactic.

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Despite Western media’s systematic attempts to normalize Israeli state terrorism, it is inescapably evident even from their distorted lens just how wicked the Netanyahu regime is.

All Palestinians released so far in hostage exchanges by the Israeli regime are women and children. Women and children! Why were they even in detention in the first place? What sort of despotic regime does that?

One that is supported to the hilt, militarily and diplomatically, by the United States and other Western governments. So much for “Western Values”.

And for all their valiant attempts to cover up for outrageous war crimes, the Western media can only be seen to be contemptible laundromats washing the blood away. They are as complicit in this sickening genocide as the U.S. and European governments are. The BBC and CNN, etc, are the most trusted news sources, according to their advertising. Yes, the most trusted to make you throw up.

Viewers are told that Israeli “hostages” are being exchanged for Palestinian “prisoners”. The insulting implication is that the Israelis held by the Hamas militants are more innocent than the Palestinians held by the Israeli state.

More than 7,200 Palestinians are currently in Israeli prisons. Over the past six weeks since the deadly attacks by Hamas on October 7 when more than 1,100 Israelis were killed (a third of them soldiers and many of the civilian victims killed by the Israel Defense Forces using excessive lethal firepower), there have been more than 3,000 Palestinians from the West Bank and East Jerusalem thrown into detention centers.

Palestinians are being locked up at a greater rate than ever before. For every Palestinian released over the past week, more than ten have been put into detention. This makes a mockery of the so-called hostage swaps that the Western media are reporting.

Meanwhile, a surge in violence from Israeli state forces and settler vigilante groups has killed over 240 Palestinians in the West Bank, including nearly 60 children. The latest victims were two boys, aged 9 and 15, who were shot dead in the city of Jenin by IDF stormtroopers.

The massive bombing of Gaza has killed at least 15,000 people and nearly half of the death toll is due to children. Another 7,000 are missing and nearly half of them are believed to be children.

In the episodic slaughters over the 75 years of its existence that the Israeli regime inflicted on the Palestinians, the latest genocide is grotesquely differentiated by the huge proportion of children that are being murdered, or imprisoned and tortured.

The Western media provides cloyingly emotive portrayals of the Israelis released by Hamas. The conditions of their captivity in Gaza since October 7 are described as traumatic and hellish, even though the few accounts from hostages that are published confirm they were relatively well treated and not abused. The Israeli state appears to be curtailing any interviews by former hostages precisely because it fears what they may say as a few have already disclosed, namely, that Hamas militants treated them humanely and also that IDF tanks killed many of their own citizens with wantonly reckless firepower.

For Palestinians released, by contrast, the Western media give negligible coverage of their experience in Israeli detention. What are their names? Why were they detained? How were they treated while in custody? The information void dehumanizes the victims and whitewashes the perpetrators.

Fortunately, Al Jazeera and other Arab and Iranian media have commendably reported on the released Palestinians in a normal humane way.

One insightful report by Al Jazeera was from the cramped home of Ahmad Saleimi (14) in East Jerusalem. The youth was among the 210 or so Palestinians that have been released so far by the Israelis in exchange for captives held by Hamas. He was the youngest detainee.

All of the Palestinians released so far are women and children. Some of the minors have spent years in so-called administrative detention without charge or trial, some in solitary confinement. That is, under indefinite psychological torture.

On his release, as with other Palestinians, the family of Ahmad Saleimi was severely warned by the Israeli interior ministry to not display any celebrations on his reunion. Ahmad was threatened that he would be immediately taken into custody again if his family did not comply with the order. There were heartrending images of the mother and father kissing their son in a muted and suppressed manner. No doubt afraid that any sign of joy would incur the wrath of the regime. What should have been a cherished occasion was marred by fear and tension of reprisal by the Israelis.

Such vindictive cruelty! Hundreds of children like Ahmad are snatched from their homes by IDF raids and thrown into dungeons. They are beaten, tortured and even killed while in detention. They are accused of throwing stones or some other act of insurrection, without evidence or due process.

The Israeli regime has now over 7,000 Palestinian hostages, many of them women and children. When will they all be freed? The cumulative figure over the years runs to tens of thousands. Some children have been detained multiple times, and some have grown into adults while incarcerated.

Upon their release, they are threatened to not show any emotion upon being greeted by their mothers and fathers or younger siblings. Can you imagine the anguish, the joy, the heartache, and the anxiety of being thrown back into the dungeon at a whim by the Israeli regime?

This speaks of the perverse barbarity of the Zionist occupation regime that Washington and its European allies fulsomely support with military weapons and diplomatic and media cover.

After more than six weeks of murderous bombardment and IDF raids on hospitals leaving premature babies to die in cold defunct incubators, yet for all its vicious criminal terrorism, the Israeli regime has not defeated the armed fighters of Hamas and other Palestinian resistance groups.

Indeed, the fact that Hamas has been able to release nearly 100 Israeli civilians unharmed after weeks of devastating aerial bombardment shows that the U.S.-backed Israeli regime has failed in its stated objective of destroying Hamas. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers should be sacked for the abject failure, and for the unnecessary deaths, destruction and monstrous war crimes hauled off to an international war crimes court – along with Joe Biden and other Western politicians.

It seems that the Netanyahu regime is so desperate to defeat the Palestinian population who have shown the most incredible resilience that this despicable regime is resorting to targeting children in every abominable way imaginable. Bombing, shooting, imprisoning and torturing them. Holding the threat of re-imprisonment is an ultimate terror weapon to intimidate and suppress Palestinian families. What parent would not be terrified for the sake of their children and be tempted to appease the tormentors for a little mercy?

Locking children up and threatening their families with punishment if they show the slightest emotion is the dirtiest terror tactic for a psychotic Israeli regime in its historic fiendish failure.

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